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November 02, 2021
IPA's John Roskam writes

It was only after it happened that I realised what a happy serendipity it was. Last Monday we released to the public the first episode of our new five-part documentary podcast series Their ABC and then on Thursday we launched our daily email update on what is happening at Glasgow. You can guess the IPA's attitude to the conference from the title of the email – SayNoToGlasgow.

Any discussion of climate change policy can now not be disconnected from the barracking for 'net zero' of practically every media organisation in the country. And of course for more than two decades there's been no bigger spruiker for climate catastrophism than the ABC. And the ABC's treatment of climate change is a focus of the second episode of Their ABC that's now available on all your podcast platforms.

I've been pondering about when it was that the media stopped pretending that its coverage of climate change was in any way balanced. I'd argue that even during the Rudd/Gillard/Rudd years although there was obviously a bias in one direction, the views of those who didn't subscribe to some of the more alarmist predictions did get a hearing. I think that changed in 2013 with the election of Tony Abbott as prime minister as some journalists saw the opportunity to not only prosecute the case of extreme Green policies but do so in a way that damaged the Liberal Party.

The Guardian has an excuse – it's never claimed to be anything other than left-wing and so I'll largely ignore the email I received yesterday from Katharine Viner, which said this:
Dear Reader

I'm the Guardian's editor-in-chief and I am writing to you to tell you about the work we do to cover the greatest crisis of our generation, the climate crisis, in the hope that you'll consider supporting us to power our current and future efforts.

Two years ago, the Guardian pledged to give the emergency the prominence it deserves. That means reporting every week from the climate frontlines around the world. And we've been there for it all: the unprecedented heatwaves of the Pacific west; the dramatic floods in China, Germany, India, England, Greece, Thailand…The wildfires in Australia, the United States, Canada, Europe, recurring with greater intensity, and greater destruction.

As world leaders gather at the crucial UN climate summit, Guardian reporting – independent, rigorous, science-led and open to all – has never mattered more.

'Science-led' sounds nice but describing something as 'the greatest crisis of our generation' is not the sober language of science – it's the rhetoric of politics. The Guardian's coverage is many things, but 'science-led' it is not.

As Graham Young, the executive director of the Australian Institute for Progress in Brisbane points out in a terrific article in this week's The Spectator Australia, we do well to remind ourselves of some basic facts. Yes – the temperature is increasing, as Roy Spencer (a contributor to the IPA's Climate Change: The Facts 2020) has identified. Since 1979 the linear warming trend is 0.14 degree Celsius per decade. That's forty years of evidence that doesn't fit the narrative.
The coral cover of the Great Barrier Reef is at record-high levels (as IPA Senior Fellow, Dr Peter Ridd has talked about), and rainfall in Australia has increased. And as IPA Senior Fellow, Dr Jennifer Marohasy wrote in her chapter 'Wildfires in Australia: 1851 to 2020' in Climate Change: The Facts 2020, there is no evidence, contrary to Katharine Viner that wildfires in this country are 'recurring with greater intensity, and greater destruction'.

The Age here in my city of Melbourne is now, when it comes to climate change, indistinguishable from The Guardian. This is some of the email I received from the editor Gay Alcorn last Friday:

Dear subscriber

To say The Age is committed to excellent and thorough coverage of climate is self-evident. COVID-19 has occupied much of our resources and energy since the start of last year, but climate change is one of, if not the most critical challenge of our times. It will affect us all.

As Australians know, the politics of climate change has crippled our federal governments for more than decade, and seen our political system fail in its duty in the interests of citizens, again and again.

There are now few out-and-out climate change deniers, even if they contributed to decades of inaction in Australia and across the world. Even News Corp, a media organisation that did more than any to confuse Australians about whether climate change was real or urgent, has flipped, almost comically, and now campaigns for net zero.
The tension now is not about deniers, but between people and countries who are wholeheartedly committed, and those who have been dragged to act on climate change because of political and business pressure but have little genuine interest in it.

That’s a political tract pure and simple. And it's wrong. It's impossible to reconcile Alcorn's claim that there has been 'decades of inaction' on climate change in Australia when this country reduced its emissions faster than nearly every comparable country. Again let's turn to the evidence. Australia's emissions are 20% lower than in 2005. For New Zealand the figure is 4%, the OECD 7%, and the United States 13%. Perhaps the most worrying aspect of Alcorn's tract is her claim that people and countries must be 'wholeheartedly committed' to act on climate change – being 'dragged' to do something is not good enough. Meanwhile one must not dare ask what difference will anything Australia does make to the temperature of the world.

In the world of The Age there's no room for dissent or questioning or disagreement – because to do so might cause 'confusion'. All of this is hardly a recipe for good policymaking. Presumably Alcorn wouldn't approve of what the former editor of The Australian, Chris Mitchell said in his column in that newspaper yesterday. (Incidentally Mitchell is a guest on Their ABC.)

On October 24, The Australian published a piece by Ticky Fullerton quoting Vaclav Smil [a Czech-Canadian professor of public policy] who pointed out that since the first global climate meeting in 1992, world energy production 'had only achieved a drop from 87 per cent to 83 per cent fossil fuels'.
Presumably the reporting of such inconvenient facts cause the 'confusion' that Alcorn talks about.

And so back to the ABC. What The Guardian and The Age say is up to them. If they want to campaign they can – that's the nature of a free press – just as long as we remember that a 'free press' does not mean it is a balanced or objective press. The ABC should be better – but it isn't – it's worse.

This is an example from the ABC yesterday from an online article entitled 'How Australia earned its climate change reputation'. The key argument of the article is this view, expressed by Bill Hare, described in the article as 'chief executive of Climate Analytics, a think tank that has worked with UN bodies on climate change'. According to Hare – 'the world is unimpressed with Australia' because 'what they see in Australia is not a single finger has been lifted to do anything to reduce emissions'.

Why that single sentence alone, repeated unquestioningly by the ABC, is not a subject for a segment on Media Watch I don't know. Again – how can anyone describe a 20% reduction in carbon dioxide emissions since 2005 as 'not lifting a finger'. If you worked for Greenpeace for ten years, as Hare did, you can though. Not that the ABC disclosed that about Hare. And so it goes on and on and on from the ABC – as Evan Mulholland the IPA's Director of Communications explains in Their ABC.

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00:01:07
November 27, 2022
Jingle Bell Rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells swing and jingle bells ring
Snowin' and blowin' up bushels of fun
Now the jingle hop has begun

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bell chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle...

00:02:04
September 01, 2021
Intro to Locals for the Conservative Voice

David Daniel Ball calls himself the Conservative Voice.

I'm a teacher with three decades experience teaching math to high school kids.I also work with first graders and kids in between first grade and high school. I know the legends of why Hypatia's dad is remembered through his contribution to Math theory. And I know the legend of why followers of Godel had thought he had disproved God's existence.

I'm not a preacher, but I am a Christian who has written over 28 books all of which include some reference to my faith. Twelve blog books on world history and current affairs, detailing world events , births and marriages on each day of the year, organised by month. Twelve books on the background to and history of Bible Quotes. One Bible quote per day for a year. An intro to a science fiction series I'm planning, post apocalyptic cyber punk. An autobiography with short story collections.

I'm known in Australia for my failure as a whistleblower over the negligence death of a school boy. ...

00:01:50
Editorial from 2018 for June 9th

Don't give up on hope. Western Civilisation is on the nose of universities in Australia. Sydney University collapsed in 1990, and her upper executive got replaced by ALP managerialists as Keating fought a culture war which the Liberal Party have not effectively engaged. Dame Kramer had been made Chancellor, but the Chancellor's position is not executive at Sydney University. Kramer fought effectively for Western Values, but the University, now, is as partisan left as the ABC is now. Kramer had been a powerful presence in charge of the ABC too. 

In 1990, Sydney University lost her Chancellor and Vice Chancellor. The Chancellor, Hermann David Black, died after a long illness. James Anthony Rowland, a former governor of NSW took the chancellor's position for a few years, before passing it to Kramer in 1991. She held on to 2001. From 1981 to 1990, John Manning Ward was the executive head of Sydney University as Vice Chancellor. He had been writing a trilogy on Australian conservative leaders ...

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Sarah Palin wrote when Obama took office

We're in for a helluva' ride, America. Obama just named Susan Rice as his National Security Adviser and nominated Samantha Power to replace Rice as our U.N. ambassador. Samantha Power is married to Cass Sunstein, the very, very strange Obama pick for an early "czar" position who wowed us with his numerous bizarre claims including the wacko belief that animals should have the right to sue in court, that hunting should be banned as genocide, and that pet ownership is akin to “slavery.” But Mrs. Cass Sunstein’s character judgment in choosing her life partner is the least of America's worries. Information about Obama's new picks will be revealed in coming days. Pay attention to who they are; what they stand for; and what their records, associations, and statements reveal about them and their intentions. Especially consider Obama's chosen ones as evidence of his skewed thinking as he "fundamentally transforms" our great nation.

Here's just a taste, as summarized by The Daily Caller:

"In 2002, ...

Oxfam Lamb approach 2018

Oxfam lamb approached me at Dandenong mall. I was playing Pokémon Go. She said I was emailing her and I should face her instead. Lovely English accent. Blond. Blue eyed. I stopped and wished her a good day. She said “Stop. What if I were to ask you what was the deadliest danger children face today around the world? What might you say it is?” I replied “The UN preventing profit and condemning children to die without allowing parents the means to support themselves. But that is just me. I wish you a good day” and she stood with her mouth agape saying 'wow.'

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The Enduring Lament of "Waly Waly"
From Scottish Court Scandal to Timeless Ballad of Love and Faith

The Enduring Lament of "Waly Waly": From Scottish Court Scandal to Timeless Ballad of Love and Faith

In the rich tapestry of British folk music, few songs carry the layered weight of "Waly Waly" — better known today as "The Water Is Wide." A deceptively simple lament of love's fragility, it emerged from the turbulent politics and personal betrayals of 17th-century Scottish nobility, only to evolve through oral tradition, folk revival, and sacred adaptation into a universal meditation on impermanence. Its melody, haunting and adaptable, has bridged secular heartbreak and divine contemplation, finding poignant expression even in the final recordings of the gifted Eva Cassidy as illness claimed her voice.

The song's political origins are rooted in the unhappy marriage of James Douglas, 2nd Marquess of Douglas, to Lady Barbara Erskine in 1670. This union, forged amid the complex alliances of Restoration-era Scotland, unraveled amid accusations of adultery — allegations many historians attribute to court intrigue and a spurned suitor. Lady Barbara's subsequent separation and abandonment inspired ballads that captured her lament, blending personal sorrow with the era's aristocratic scandals. Verses echo the real "Jamie Douglas" (Child Ballad 204), where a high-born woman's renown gives way to forsaken isolation. "O Waly, Waly" (an old Scots exclamation of woe) first crystallized in collections like Allan Ramsay's Tea-Table Miscellany (1724–1727), drawing from earlier broadsides and floating verses that mixed political gossip, courtly despair, and folk commonplaces.

This was no mere domestic tragedy; it highlighted the precarious power dynamics of Scottish courts, where marriages sealed political pacts, reputations were weapons, and women of rank could be undone by rumor as readily as by royal decree. In an age of shifting loyalties post-Covenanters and amid the lead-up to Union with England, such ballads subtly critiqued the moral rot behind noble facades. The song's imagery — a wide, uncrossable water symbolizing insurmountable barriers, a once-sturdy oak bent and broken by betrayal — mirrored the fractured alliances and personal ruins of the time.

From these contentious beginnings, "Waly Waly" transitioned into new modes with remarkable fluidity, a hallmark of folk evolution. Collected and refined by Cecil Sharp in Folk Songs from Somerset (1906), it shed some of its rawer political edges to become the streamlined "The Water Is Wide," popularized in the American folk revival by Pete Seeger and others. Its melody proved endlessly versatile: Benjamin Britten arranged it for voice and piano, John Rutter incorporated it into orchestral works, and it crossed into pop, film soundtracks, and even fusions with other traditions. Floating verses allowed singers to adapt it to contemporary woes, transforming a Scottish court lament into a universal anthem of love's joys and inevitable fading "like morning dew."

One of its most profound transitions came in sacred music. The tune served as a vehicle for Isaac Watts' hymn "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross" (1707), one of the finest expressions of Christian contemplation on Christ's sacrifice. Here, the ballad's themes of transient earthly love were elevated to eternal spiritual reality: human affection's impermanence contrasts with divine constancy. What began as a lament for betrayed nobility became a vehicle for Protestant devotion, underscoring how folk melodies often carried theology across divides of class and creed.

No modern rendition captures the song's emotional depth quite like those of Eva Cassidy. Her crystalline voice brought aching vulnerability to "The Water Is Wide," emphasizing its quiet longing. Even more moving is her studio take on the variant "Waly Waly," recorded near the end of her life as cancer progressed. It was, by accounts from her collaborators, among the last things she could fully perform before illness silenced her. Stripped of artifice, her interpretation distills the song's essence: love's jewel when new, its cold fading, the desperate plea for a boat to cross impossible divides. In her frail yet transcendent delivery, the political origins and sacred adaptations recede, leaving raw humanity — a dying artist singing of mortality's waters with the grace of one who has surveyed her own cross.

Today, "Waly Waly" endures as a reminder that the personal is often political, that cultural artifacts mutate across contexts, and that simple melodies can carry profound truths. In an era of fleeting digital affections and renewed court-like intrigues in media and power, its wisdom resonates: love, like the song itself, persists not through permanence but through reinterpretation and honest lament. Whether as folk protest, hymn, or farewell, it invites us to row together while we can.

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Is Racism Porn?
Will the Anti-Racism Movement Cave Like the Anti-Porn One Did?

Is Racism Porn? Will the Anti-Racism Movement Cave Like the Anti-Porn One Did?

In the 1980s, a potent alliance of radical feminists and social conservatives launched a serious campaign against pornography. Led by figures like Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon, they framed much of it as violence against women — graphic subordination that normalized harm. They pushed civil rights ordinances and influenced the Meese Commission under President Reagan. Yet the movement fractured. Sex-positive feminists rebelled against what they saw as censorship and puritanism. Courts struck down key measures on First Amendment grounds. Violent and extreme porn was temporarily sidelined in mainstream discourse, but the deeper politicized strain of feminism splintered. Today, pornography is ubiquitous, with studies (such as one attempted at a Canadian university that couldn't even find a control group of young men who hadn't viewed it) underscoring its normalization.

The anti-racism movement of recent decades invites a parallel. Both issues started outside the core wheelhouse of center-right conservatives, who traditionally emphasized individual responsibility, rule of law, and color-blind opportunity rather than identity-based crusades. Yet both became vehicles for broader cultural and political power plays.

Historical Perspective on Racism

Academic conservative thought has long pointed to the 19th century as a pivotal era when racism, particularly chattel slavery, faced decisive moral and political challenge in the English-speaking world. British evangelicals — William Wilberforce, the Clapham Sect, and allied Quakers and Methodists — drove the abolition of the slave trade (1807) and slavery itself in the Empire (1833). Their campaign rested on Christian universalism: all men created in God's image, endowed with inherent dignity and rights to freedom, not engineered equal outcomes. This was a rights-based, opportunity-focused vision distinct from later 20th-century interpretations emphasizing group equity or systemic determinism.

Slavery and racial prejudice did not vanish overnight, of course. But the moral framework shifted dramatically through persistent, principle-driven activism grounded in transcendent ethics rather than perpetual grievance.

Modern Enlargement and Exploitation

Critics argue that racism as a dominant political narrative enlarged under President Obama. A notable moment came after the 2012 Trayvon Martin case, when Obama remarked that the deceased "could have been my son," injecting personal identity into a contested incident involving a neighborhood watch confrontation. This style of framing amplified racial polarization.

The 2020 death of George Floyd became a headline catalyst for the movement. While Derek Chauvin was convicted, the initial narrative of murder by knee compression alone has been disproved. The Hennepin County medical examiner cited cardiopulmonary arrest complicating restraint, with heart disease, fentanyl, and methamphetamine as significant contributing factors. An independent autopsy differed, but the full context complicated the "police lynching" storyline. Floyd's death was tragic; the broader "defund the police" and systemic racism narrative built around it has frayed as facts emerged.

Recent revelations about the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) — long a flagship of the anti-racism industry — add to the sense of crumbling. In 2026, federal charges alleged the organization funneled millions in donor funds to informants tied to extremist groups it publicly opposed, raising serious questions of fraud and manufacturing the very threats it fundraised against.

Deeper historical questions resurface: Did authorities facilitate or cover elements of past events like the Oklahoma City bombing? Official accounts point to Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, but persistent theories of additional involvement or negligence remain debated and unproven in court. Such inquiries test institutional trust.

The Parallel and the Warning

Racism is wrong. It violates the principle that individuals should be judged by character and conduct, not skin color. Violent pornography harms, especially when accessible to children, and erodes healthy formation of relationships and sexuality. Both deserve principled opposition rooted in truth and human dignity.

Yet the pattern repeats: moral concerns get hijacked for political dominance. The anti-porn effort split feminism and lost momentum as technology and cultural shifts overwhelmed it. The anti-racism juggernaut, fueled by selective narratives, academic capture, and institutional incentives, now faces headwinds — evidentiary cracks, donor skepticism, and a Trump-era political realignment that prioritizes results over rhetoric.

Will it "cave" similarly? Movements that rely on exaggeration, selective enforcement, and identity as currency often do when reality intrudes. The 19th-century abolitionists succeeded by appealing to universal truths and persistent reform, not perpetual victimhood. Today's exploiters of these issues — whether inflating racism for power or earlier anti-porn zealots — risk the same irrelevance when their narratives no longer hold.

The wiser path lies not in denial of real problems, but in rejecting their weaponization. Protect children from porn. Oppose actual racism with color-blind justice. Demand evidence over emotion. Center conservatives, with their emphasis on individual liberty and equal opportunity under law, may yet provide the steadier framework — as their intellectual forebears did against slavery. The question is whether the broader culture will let principle prevail over power.

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The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter
A Timeless Comic Creation

The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter: A Timeless Comic Creation

In the golden age of British boys' fiction, few characters have captured the imagination quite like William George Bunter — the "Fat Owl of the Remove" — whose girth, greed, and endless optimism have delighted generations since his debut in 1908. Created by the extraordinarily prolific Charles Hamilton under the pen name Frank Richards, Bunter emerged not as a heroic ideal but as a gloriously flawed anti-hero whose misadventures at the fictional Greyfriars School provided both escapism and gentle satire for a rapidly changing Britain.

Hamilton (1876–1961), born into modest circumstances in Ealing, Middlesex, was one of the most productive writers in literary history, churning out millions of words across dozens of pen names and school story series (including St. Jim's under Martin Clifford and Rookwood under Owen Conquest). Bunter began life in an unpublished tale from the late 1890s, inspired by a mix of real people: a corpulent editor, a short-sighted relative who peered "like an Owl," and a brother perpetually chasing phantom cheques. Introduced as a minor figure in the first issue of The Magnet story paper ("The Making of Harry Wharton"), Bunter's comic potential — his pomposity, ventriloquism, and bottomless appetite — quickly elevated him to star status alongside the more upright "Famous Five" led by Harry Wharton.

The Magnet, launched by the Amalgamated Press, became the vehicle for Hamilton's vivid, formulaic yet endlessly inventive tales of school life: "rags," cricket matches, barring-outs, and holiday escapades, all set against the timeless backdrop of a traditional English public boarding school. The stories froze the boys at around 14–15 years old, creating an eternal Edwardian summer of camaraderie and mischief that outlasted the paper itself, which folded in 1940 amid wartime shortages. Post-war, Hamilton revived Bunter in a successful series of hardback novels starting with Billy Bunter of Greyfriars School (1947), extending the character's life well into the 1960s.

Bunter's popularity exploded among a broad audience of British (and Commonwealth) boys — and not a few adults — in the early-to-mid 20th century. For working- and middle-class readers devouring penny weeklies, Greyfriars offered a window into a world of privilege tempered by universal schoolboy trials: bullying, friendship, authority, and the eternal quest for tuck (food). Orwell, in a famous 1940 essay, hailed Bunter as "a real creation," whose tight trousers, thudding canes, and mythical postal order resonated "wherever the Union Jack waves." The character's appeal lay in his transparency and resilience; despite being lazy, deceitful, and gluttonous, he remained oddly lovable, often stumbling into courage or loyalty.

As media transitioned, so did Bunter. From story papers to hardbacks, he moved into comics, stage plays, radio, and especially the long-running BBC television series (1952–1961), where Gerald Campion's wheezing, bespectacled portrayal cemented the Fat Owl's image for a new generation of postwar children. This cross-media evolution prefigured modern franchises, turning a literary character into a cultural icon complete with merchandise and nostalgia.

Bunter's influences run deep in both directions. He drew from the Victorian school story tradition — most notably Thomas Hughes' Tom Brown's Schooldays (1857) — but subverted its earnest moralizing with humor and anti-heroics. Hamilton stood the public school ethos on its head, using Bunter's excesses to satirize snobbery, pomposity, and the gap between aristocratic pretensions and reality. In turn, Bunter influenced countless later depictions of school life, from Enid Blyton's Malory Towers and St. Clare's to broader comedic archetypes in British literature and television. His DNA appears in everything from the gluttonous comic relief in children's stories to critiques of class and authority. Even J.K. Rowling's Hogwarts, with its boarding school adventures and house rivalries, echoes the Greyfriars formula, though updated for fantasy.

In an era of rapid social change, Bunter offered stability and laughter. Hamilton's creation endured world wars, the decline of empire, and shifting tastes because it tapped into something universal: the comedy of human frailty wrapped in the innocence of youth. Today, amid calls for "politically correct" revisions or outright dismissal of old public school tales, Bunter reminds us why these stories mattered — not as endorsements of elitism, but as joyful, character-driven escapism that celebrated friendship, resilience, and the absurdity of growing up.

As long as boys (and former boys) dream of postal orders, endless tuck, and "Yaroooh!" moments of comic justice, the Fat Owl will waddle on. Bunter isn't just a relic; he's a testament to the power of a well-drawn character to outlive his creator and his medium.

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