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November 11, 2021
On this day, 11th Nov 2016

Leonard Cohen has died aged 82, old and blessed. His life struggle was a form of classical Liberalism which many on the left may aspire to, but few understand. Cohen was a Zen Buddhist and a faithful Jew. It is worth reflecting on his life, his path was not an easy one, he was a poet. He had many relationships and children. But he wasn’t self absorbed or self destructive, so much as cognisant of the disparity between the dream of iconic love, and the fact of compromise. Everybody knows of what Cohen sang. It was personal, and explicit. The song Hallelujah took some five years for him to write, and includes many more verses than what are used in the variations sung. Cohen has given a gift of his legacy. His last album was “You want it darker.” And so it is.

Doing his bit from Melbourne on 3aw, Neil Mitchell interviews a Bernie Sanders supporter who claims he was a “Never Trump,” except “Never Trump” people are GOP supporters who oppose Trump. The idiot being interviewed was a Democrat supporter who felt Clinton had stolen preselection. She had. But that is no excuse for disrupting NYC in protest of President elect Trump. But that makes him interview material for Neil Mitchell who seems to go far to find people who don’t get Trump, but won’t interview someone who does. We are being told that the lesson of Brexit and the Trump election is that political elites need to listen to the average person. One gets the feeling that Mitchell never listens to the exceptional or gifted, and only really interviews himself or people that are safe for him. A little under half of all who voted supported Trump. Maybe Mitchell might interview one of them to get answers to his concerns.

IPA Review (Aug 2016) features an Elle Hardy article on “The Rise of Identity Politics” which is nominally about Trump but really about Bernie Sanders. Only the Trump platform and Sanders platform are very different. Trump’s base crosses the left right divide. Trump was on insider terms with left wing politicians, and his support helped fuel their corruption and helped make him rich. Trump is a neo con by literal definition. Trump aims to be pragmatic and will negotiate in a way one feels Libertarians should cheer if they understood him, instead of hating him. By way of contrast, Sanders is a carbon copy socialist who offers nothing beyond hyperbole. Sanders draws on a tradition of left wing ascendancy drawing on the peace movement of the sixties. There is no policy he has that would be successful, but spending a lot of money from tax must appeal to many. In gushing for Sanders, Elle got to quote Australian art critic Hughes. But to understand Trump, one need only see the slogans #MakeAmericaGreatAgain and #DrainTheSwamp Recognise Sanders is a swamp creature.

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00:01:07
November 27, 2022
Jingle Bell Rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells swing and jingle bells ring
Snowin' and blowin' up bushels of fun
Now the jingle hop has begun

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bell chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle...

00:02:04
September 01, 2021
Intro to Locals for the Conservative Voice

David Daniel Ball calls himself the Conservative Voice.

I'm a teacher with three decades experience teaching math to high school kids.I also work with first graders and kids in between first grade and high school. I know the legends of why Hypatia's dad is remembered through his contribution to Math theory. And I know the legend of why followers of Godel had thought he had disproved God's existence.

I'm not a preacher, but I am a Christian who has written over 28 books all of which include some reference to my faith. Twelve blog books on world history and current affairs, detailing world events , births and marriages on each day of the year, organised by month. Twelve books on the background to and history of Bible Quotes. One Bible quote per day for a year. An intro to a science fiction series I'm planning, post apocalyptic cyber punk. An autobiography with short story collections.

I'm known in Australia for my failure as a whistleblower over the negligence death of a school boy. ...

00:01:50
Editorial from 2018 for June 9th

Don't give up on hope. Western Civilisation is on the nose of universities in Australia. Sydney University collapsed in 1990, and her upper executive got replaced by ALP managerialists as Keating fought a culture war which the Liberal Party have not effectively engaged. Dame Kramer had been made Chancellor, but the Chancellor's position is not executive at Sydney University. Kramer fought effectively for Western Values, but the University, now, is as partisan left as the ABC is now. Kramer had been a powerful presence in charge of the ABC too. 

In 1990, Sydney University lost her Chancellor and Vice Chancellor. The Chancellor, Hermann David Black, died after a long illness. James Anthony Rowland, a former governor of NSW took the chancellor's position for a few years, before passing it to Kramer in 1991. She held on to 2001. From 1981 to 1990, John Manning Ward was the executive head of Sydney University as Vice Chancellor. He had been writing a trilogy on Australian conservative leaders ...

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Sarah Palin wrote when Obama took office

We're in for a helluva' ride, America. Obama just named Susan Rice as his National Security Adviser and nominated Samantha Power to replace Rice as our U.N. ambassador. Samantha Power is married to Cass Sunstein, the very, very strange Obama pick for an early "czar" position who wowed us with his numerous bizarre claims including the wacko belief that animals should have the right to sue in court, that hunting should be banned as genocide, and that pet ownership is akin to “slavery.” But Mrs. Cass Sunstein’s character judgment in choosing her life partner is the least of America's worries. Information about Obama's new picks will be revealed in coming days. Pay attention to who they are; what they stand for; and what their records, associations, and statements reveal about them and their intentions. Especially consider Obama's chosen ones as evidence of his skewed thinking as he "fundamentally transforms" our great nation.

Here's just a taste, as summarized by The Daily Caller:

"In 2002, ...

Oxfam Lamb approach 2018

Oxfam lamb approached me at Dandenong mall. I was playing Pokémon Go. She said I was emailing her and I should face her instead. Lovely English accent. Blond. Blue eyed. I stopped and wished her a good day. She said “Stop. What if I were to ask you what was the deadliest danger children face today around the world? What might you say it is?” I replied “The UN preventing profit and condemning children to die without allowing parents the means to support themselves. But that is just me. I wish you a good day” and she stood with her mouth agape saying 'wow.'

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Failed Corporate Leadership
The ABC, Honours, and Institutional Rot in Australia

Failed Corporate Leadership: The ABC, Honours, and Institutional Rot in Australia

Today, on King’s Birthday, Australians reflect on service and excellence as the 2026 Honours List is announced. Among the recipients is the late broadcaster James Valentine, awarded a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) for his contributions to media, music, and children’s literature. Valentine, the affable ABC Radio Sydney voice known for his wit and warmth, died in April 2026 at 64 after battling oesophageal cancer. The honour was presented to him and his family in a special ceremony before his death — a gesture that highlights both his public affection and the government’s awareness of his final months.

Valentine embodied quiet dignity. He was not a firebrand but carried himself with an everyman charm that disarmed listeners. Yet his career unfolded almost entirely within the ABC — an institution established by Robert Menzies to provide an independent voice, only to pivot into partisan opposition against him from the outset. For decades, the ABC has operated without robust editorial standards, subtly advancing certain worldviews while claiming impartiality. Valentine, described as apolitical, reflected the network’s cultural leanings: affable on the surface, yet aligned with progressive orthodoxies on issues like COVID responses — masking, isolation, and vaccination.

Like many who followed official guidance during the crisis, Valentine faced serious illness. He chose voluntary assisted dying (VAD), surrounded by loved ones on his own terms — or so the subsequent media narrative framed it. The press, particularly his ABC colleagues, amplified his story as a dignified exit and a celebration of choice. But this raises uncomfortable questions about the realities of VAD and the signals sent to a vulnerable public. What message does it convey when a beloved figure’s passing becomes a polished promotion of euthanasia? And what does it say about institutional priorities when honours appear intertwined with such narratives?

This episode exemplifies a deeper failure of corporate leadership in Australian government and its agencies. Public institutions like the ABC, funded by taxpayers to the tune of over $1.28 billion annually (roughly 25–30 cents per working taxpayer per day), have drifted from their charters. They serve as echo chambers rather than independent checks on power, cycling with the electoral tides. When the press pushes ALP or Greens-aligned narratives, voters sometimes swing back to conservatives in resistance. Yet the underlying culture persists.

Consider the cautionary tale of Nick Greiner, NSW Premier in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Greiner inherited a corrupt state and acted decisively: he cleaned up government and established the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) to root out wrongdoing. When ICAC investigated him over a political appointment involving independent MP Terry Metherell, it found no criminality. Commissioner Ian Temby’s report nevertheless branded the actions “technically corrupt” — a finding later overturned on appeal by the NSW Court of Appeal, which ruled ICAC had exceeded its jurisdiction. Despite exoneration, independents in a hung parliament used the controversy to force Greiner’s resignation. His government stood out for prudence: NSW was the only state to avoid major losses in the savings-and-loans corruption bubble of the era.

The pattern of selective accountability repeats across decades. A stark example is the case of former NSW Attorney-General and later Supreme Court judge Jeff Shaw. In 2004, Shaw was involved in a low-speed collision with parked cars while heavily intoxicated. Police took him to hospital, where he refused a breath test. Hospital staff took blood samples, but Shaw demanded and removed his own vials, breaking the chain of custody. Months later, when he finally handed them over, tests showed he was substantially over the legal limit. Yet Shaw faced no meaningful consequences. He died in 2010 from alcohol-related illness without ever being brought fully to book for the incident. This episode, involving one of the state’s most senior legal figures, underscores how the system often shields its own.

The ICAC has scrutinised conservatives rigorously but struggles to deliver equivalent accountability on the other side. Allegations of sleaze — from insider dealings to policing failures and drug issues in areas like Cabramatta — often evade deep scrutiny when they touch ALP figures. Political scalpings masquerade as justice, while real systemic failures fester.

Australia’s electoral cycle exposes the rot. Voters oscillate between partisan media manipulation and corrective conservative mandates, yet institutions remain captured. Honours lists, COVID-era policies, euthanasia promotion, selective anti-corruption enforcement, and protection of the powerful all point to the same problem: a failure of corporate governance at the highest levels. Leaders treat the state like a corporation without proper oversight, accountability, or fidelity to founding principles.

James Valentine deserved recognition for his talents and humanity. But turning his personal tragedy into institutional theatre, while broader failures in media impartiality, fiscal prudence, and even-handed justice persist, underscores the need for reform. Australians deserve better than managed decline dressed up as compassion and independence. True leadership would restore standards, not reward the symptoms of their erosion. On this King’s Birthday, let us honour service honestly — and demand institutions worthy of it.

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The Vanishing of June 8th
Censorship, Deep State Interference, and the Erasure of Truth on the Northern Territory Conservative

The Vanishing of June 8th: Censorship, Deep State Interference, and the Erasure of Truth on the Northern Territory Conservative

Fellow conservatives, truth-seekers, and those weary of the endless gaslighting from institutions that claim to serve us: something sinister has been uncovered in the archives of this very blog, Northern Territory Conservative. As I recompiled old records with the help of AI—painstakingly reconstructing years of commentary, links, and analysis—a glaring anomaly emerged. June 8th has been effectively excised from the blog's history starting from 2015 onward. Posts, comments, or media embeds from that date? Gone. Wiped. As if the day never existed in the conservative record from the remote heart of Australia.

This isn't some glitch in the matrix or a mundane archiving error. It aligns too neatly with a pattern of targeting I've endured since linking to credible reporting on Syrian chemical weapons programs. Those weapons, it appears, had roots tracing back to Iraq—and ultimately to supplies and knowledge enabled during earlier US policy decisions, including elements connected to the Carter era's defense research and realpolitik transfers in the Iran-Iraq conflict. The United States knew of Saddam Hussein's WMD capabilities in detail because, in key respects, they had facilitated aspects of that program against a common foe. The official narratives around the 2003 Iraq invasion crumbled under scrutiny, yet the deeper story of origins and continuities was inconvenient.

Syria's WMD saga in 2015 was exploding in international headlines—chlorine attacks, OPCW reports, regime accountability debates. My post connecting dots to Iraqi provenance and US historical involvement apparently triggered the machinery. From that point, the Deep State—or its aligned tech and intelligence enablers—has targeted this writer repeatedly. Illegal access to US intelligence streams, funneled through platforms like Facebook and others, has never faced real punishment. Snowden warned us years earlier about exactly this: the NSA's PRISM program and bulk collection sucking in data from Silicon Valley giants, turning private communications and citizen journalism into a surveillance panopticon.

What else vanished with June 8th? Possibly media links and commentary detailing the undermining of then-Prime Minister Tony Abbott by figures like Malcolm Turnbull, Julie Bishop, and Christopher Pyne. The leadership spill that ousted Abbott in September 2015 didn't materialize overnight; the knives were being sharpened earlier amid policy fights over rural Australia, borders, and conservative principles. Or perhaps it captured early observations on Donald Trump's 2016 campaign—clocking the same Deep State corruption that later manifested in endless lawfare, Russia hoaxes, and institutional resistance to the America First agenda. The pattern holds: challenge the narrative on WMD provenance, political betrayals, or the administrative state's overreach, and the record gets scrubbed.

This is personal as well as political. As a whistleblower who paid dearly—losing superannuation, facing financial ruin, and watching a child at risk slip through systemic cracks—I know the cost of speaking truth to power. The corruption that claimed so much has never been fully addressed, and the same forces that seize assets or censor dissent now seem capable of reaching into digital archives. Facebook removals, targeted access, AI-assisted recompilation revealing the gaps: it's all of a piece with Snowden's revelations about unaccountable surveillance.

Mainstream outlets and Wikipedia-style gatekeepers will dismiss this as "conspiracy theory," just as they downplayed institutional bias, election integrity questions, and rural neglect under globalist policies. But conservatives in the Northern Territory—fighting for practical education in Warlpiri communities, resource development, and sovereignty against remote Canberra elites—recognize the game. We value direct knowledge over curated narratives. We remember Abbott's stand on boats and budgets, Trump's exposure of the swamp, and the human cost when WMD truths are twisted for political ends.

The excision of June 8th is a symptom of a deeper malaise: an elite apparatus that deletes inconvenient history while preaching "democracy." They fear recompilation. They fear citizens armed with AI tools reconnecting dots. They fear blogs like Northern Territory Conservative that refuse to bend.

We will not be silenced. The record will be rebuilt. Accountability for surveillance abuses, political knifings, and WMD deceptions demands it. To my readers: preserve your own archives. Question the vanishing acts. Support platforms and voices that prioritize truth over compliance. The Deep State counts on amnesia. We offer memory—and resistance.

David Daniel Ball Northern Territory Conservative Standing for truth in the Outback, June 2026

 

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The Poisoned Well
Ethics, Politics, and the Corruption of University Research

The Poisoned Well: Ethics, Politics, and the Corruption of University Research

Universities and research institutions were once beacons of disinterested inquiry, guardians of accumulated human knowledge. Today, many function as gatekeepers of approved narratives, where funding, ideology, and institutional self-interest often trump evidence. The result is not just wasted public money but distorted policy and a creeping erosion of trust in expertise.

History offers stark warnings about research unbound by ethics. Josef Mengele's monstrous experiments on twins in Auschwitz represent the nadir of predatory "science" in service of ideology. His work was pseudoscience wrapped in atrocity; the revulsion it still provokes is universal and justified. Far more nuanced is the case of Dr. William Beaumont in the 19th century. After treating fur trapper Alexis St. Martin, who survived a horrific gunshot wound that left a permanent gastric fistula, Beaumont conducted pioneering experiments on human digestion. St. Martin, unable to resume his trade, entered a long-term, dependent relationship with Beaumont—hired as a valet under successive contracts. Modern ethics rightly flags the power imbalance and exploitation. Yet those experiments yielded foundational insights into gastric physiology that remain valuable. Dismissing them wholesale as "fruit of a poisoned tree" risks throwing out hard-won knowledge alongside the moral failings of their acquisition.

This tension—between ethical progress and the erasure of the past—plays out today. Consider the Siberian Ice Maiden, a 2,500-year-old Pazyryk woman whose remains revealed metastatic breast cancer. She managed pain not with modern pharmaceuticals but through local remedies, including cannabis inhalation. Under certain "green" visions of degrowth or demodernization, such rudimentary approaches could once again become "world-class" care.

Modern research ethics committees were meant to prevent abuses and elevate standards. In principle, they do. In practice, they can become tools for enforcing orthodoxy. Activist groups like PETA champion animal welfare while sometimes engaging in tactics that alienate the public and undermine legitimate science. Treating animals humanely matters; weaponizing the cause into political warfare, including targeting children in ways reminiscent of ideological indoctrination, often proves counterproductive.

Institutional Capture in Australia

Nowhere is the interplay of money, politics, and ideology more evident than in Australian universities, which rely heavily on government funding while claiming independence. They may pursue private contracts, but political pressures persist.

A tragic 1990 rail accident near Cowan, NSW, killed several senior figures from the University of Sydney, including the recently retired Vice-Chancellor John Manning Ward and others connected to university leadership. The resulting upheaval allegedly opened doors to political appointments that bypassed traditional merit-based promotion, tilting governance leftward. Managerial boards with strong factional alignments have, at times, functioned like caucuses, steering priorities away from broad inquiry toward favoured ideological lines—mirroring partisan lockstep elsewhere, such as unanimous opposition to basic electoral integrity measures.

Lighter examples reveal the hypersensitivity. When McDonald's offered to fund a chair in nutrition, the university reportedly declined despite the prospective appointee's willingness to affirm that the company's food could fit a balanced diet. Public perception of compromise prevailed over substance.

More consequential was expert opposition to infrastructure. In the Howard era, senior researchers reportedly dismissed aspects of the Bradfield Scheme (revived ideas for inland water diversion, sometimes linked to "Two Rivers" concepts), citing environmental risks. Yet Australia's variable climate—marked by periodic flooding—suggests such projects warrant pragmatic evaluation rather than reflexive rejection. Subsequent efforts, like Barnaby Joyce's "hundred dams" push, faced state-level blocks. When institutions meant to provide rigorous analysis instead channel activist memes into policy, public frustration grows.

The Broader Corruption

Corruption in this context is rarely crude bribery. It manifests as selection bias in hiring and publishing, funding incentives that reward certain conclusions, and narrative control that sidelines dissenting data. Duplicitous actors may relish hoodwinking systems; those with integrity often self-censor out of fear. The result: thousands of years of accumulated knowledge risk being discounted not for falsity, but for originating in eras with different ethical norms.

True reform demands separating genuine ethical safeguards from political litmus tests. Universities should prioritise independence, transparency in funding, and viewpoint diversity. Research must serve truth-seeking, not social engineering. Otherwise, we risk a future where "world-class" medicine means foraging local herbs while the machinery of knowledge production grinds ever more predictably toward approved ends. The public, rightly, grows sceptical. Restoring credibility requires courage to confront uncomfortable histories without erasing them—and to judge ideas on evidence, not the politics of their proponents.

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