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What the SAVE Act Would Mean for the Union If It Fails
August 21, 2026
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What the SAVE Act Would Mean for the Union If It Fails

At least four GOP senators are opposing the SAVE Act, as is every Democrat. There are reasons why the four GOP senators oppose it, but there are reasons why every single Democrat opposes it too. As divisions go, it is not dissimilar to the U.S. Civil War and Lincoln’s fight. Lincoln had looked like he was losing his fight, but managed to get the numbers. What will it mean if SAVE is not passed?

Analysis depends on what has happened before. If we are in a condition of business as usual, then the SAVE Act means little, or is an overreach. In that scenario, Trump has a nefarious plan to remove Democrats from office and seize government control. If we are in a state of crisis—preceding even a stolen election in 2020 and multiple kill attempts on GOP figures, including Trump and Kirk—then SAVE would have to be very special.

Analysis changes depending on sources. Partisan, deep-state affiliates paid for with USAID over decades, Wikipedia, CNN, NYT et al. are claiming Trump has a nefarious plan with SAVE. And so, asking Grok, which has over-reliance on such sources, gets a ridiculous response:

“The comparison does not hold in any meaningful historical, moral, legal, or practical sense. The two events operate on entirely different scales of human impact, constitutional process, and national crisis.”

If one accepts that the 2020 election was stolen, that the COVID crisis was part of an administrative coup, that infiltration of social media by U.S. intelligence has allowed illegal overreach by the deep state, and that the SAVE Act could address electoral irregularities, then one sees the comparison with Civil War issues as comparable. How might Grok respond if it were even-handed and not captive?

Consider those opposing SAVE. They might want a puppet president who was voted in by 18% of counties. Maybe they have a personal enmity with Trump and want him killed? Maybe they want illegal aliens voting, vouching for each other? During the Civil War, awful people argued that “states’ rights” meant there had to be slavery. In the modern scene, states’ rights mean illegals can vote and identity is not required.

Significant members of the January 6th committee were pardoned in extraordinary fashion. And Hunter Biden’s pardon extended back before the Ukraine prosecutor being silenced or the shootdown of the Malaysian airliner. The circumstantial evidence pointing to a grand conspiracy by the deep state is deep. To accept business as usual is to be accepting the credibility of proven liars: Russia Gate, the Biden laptop, the COVID crisis allowing loser-voting rules, 2000 Mules, the bombs at the DNC and RNC, the impeachments on trumped-up evidence, Jack Smith, voting irregularities not investigated, activist judges, partisan news media, comics given work that cost millions simply for hating Trump.

The moral connection of slavery versus voting rights is pithy. The comparison of divided unions is apt. Why would Grok assume the pithy case and ignore the salient one?

If SAVE is not passed, it is likely enough that anti-Trumpers could take Congress and again impeach Trump on political lines, and that dangerous rhetoric would get GOP figures killed.

If it is passed, then people may be elected by voters. That might make a big difference.

= Absurd Grok Response =

The comparison does not hold in any meaningful historical, moral, legal, or practical sense. The two events operate on entirely different scales of human impact, constitutional process, and national crisis.

What actually happened with Lincoln and slavery

Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, as a wartime measure under his powers as commander-in-chief. It declared free the enslaved people in Confederate-held territory (roughly 3–4 million people), but it did not free those in Union-controlled areas or border states, and it depended on Union military success for enforcement.

The permanent, nationwide end of slavery came with the 13th Amendment, which Congress passed in January 1865 and the states ratified by December 1865. It constitutionally abolished slavery and involuntary servitude (except as punishment for crime) throughout the United States. This required:

  • A civil war that killed roughly 620,000–750,000 Americans.
  • Sustained political effort, including Lincoln’s lobbying of Congress.
  • A formal constitutional amendment process (two-thirds of both houses of Congress + three-fourths of the states).

Ending legal chattel slavery transformed the legal status of millions of human beings who had been treated as property. It was one of the most consequential acts in American history.

Status of the SAVE Act

The Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act / SAVE America Act is ordinary legislation. Versions have passed the House multiple times (party-line or near party-line votes). It has repeatedly failed to advance in the Senate due to the filibuster (60-vote threshold) and opposition from some Republicans (notably Collins, Murkowski, McConnell, and Tillis on key votes) as well as all Democrats. As of August 2026 it remains unpassed and is not law.

Its core provisions require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship (passport, birth certificate, or equivalent) to register to vote in federal elections, along with related verification and photo-ID elements in some versions. Supporters describe it as enforcing existing law that only citizens may vote and as election-integrity reform. Critics (including voting-rights groups) argue it would create practical barriers for some eligible citizens who lack ready access to the required documents and compare its effects to historical voter-suppression tactics.

Why the parallel fails

AspectLincoln / End of SlaverySAVE Act
Scale of impactFreed millions from legal ownership as propertyAdministrative rules for voter registration
Human stakesLife, liberty, and legal personhoodAccess to the ballot under new documentation rules
ProcessCivil War + constitutional amendmentOrdinary statute blocked by Senate filibuster
Legal statusAchieved (13th Amendment is permanent)Not enacted
Moral weightEnding an institution of human bondageDebated election-administration reform
Historical consensusNear-universal recognition as transformativePartisan dispute; no equivalent consensus
 
 

Equating a contested voter-registration bill with the abolition of slavery collapses categories that are not comparable. One resolved a foundational moral and constitutional crisis through war and amendment. The other is a partisan legislative priority that has so far been unable to clear the Senate. Rhetoric that treats them as analogous inflates the stakes of ordinary electoral policy while diminishing the historical reality of slavery and emancipation.

In short: Lincoln’s actions ended the legal institution of slavery. The SAVE Act, even if it eventually passed, would change how Americans prove eligibility to register to vote. Those are not the same kind of event.

= Later Grok response = 

The comparison between the SAVE Act’s fate and Lincoln’s struggle over slavery remains strained even when examined from a position of maximum skepticism toward official narratives. Polarization, institutional distrust, and high-stakes fights over the rules of the republic are real. Equating a stalled voter-registration bill with the constitutional and moral crisis of chattel slavery, secession, and a war that killed hundreds of thousands does not follow from the available evidence.

Current facts on the SAVE Act

As of August 2026 the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act / SAVE America Act has passed the House multiple times on near party-line votes. It has repeatedly failed in the Senate. Four Republicans—Susan Collins (Maine), Lisa Murkowski (Alaska), Mitch McConnell (Kentucky), and Thom Tillis (North Carolina)—joined every Democrat on key procedural and amendment votes that blocked it. Senate Majority Leader John Thune has stated the votes for cloture (60) are not there and has declined to eliminate the filibuster.

Stated reasons from the four senators center on federalism (states control the “times, places and manner” of elections under the Constitution), practical implementation (especially Murkowski on Alaska’s vast rural and Native communities, where obtaining documents could require expensive travel), and timing concerns before the midterms. McConnell and Tillis are retiring; Collins is seeking re-election. Democrats uniformly call it voter suppression or “Jim Crow 2.0.” Supporters, including Trump, frame it as enforcing the existing legal requirement that only citizens vote and as a response to perceived vulnerabilities.

Non-citizen voting: the empirical record

Federal law already prohibits non-citizens from voting in federal elections; the penalty includes prison and immigration consequences. Documented cases exist but are rare. State audits, the Heritage Foundation’s own database of prosecuted election crimes, Brennan Center reviews, and recent trackers consistently show dozens to low hundreds of confirmed or highly likely non-citizen registrations/votes across decades and hundreds of millions of ballots—typically fractions of a percent or far less.

Older academic claims of higher rates (e.g., a contested 2014 Stanford paper) have not been borne out by official cross-checks of voter rolls against citizenship databases. Recent Census Bureau matching efforts have flagged larger preliminary numbers in incomplete analyses, but these remain contested and do not demonstrate coordinated outcome-altering fraud. The principle that only citizens should vote is sound and widely supported in polling; whether documentary proof at registration is the optimal, least-burdensome way to enforce it is a separate policy question involving trade-offs for citizens who lack easy access to passports or certified birth certificates (elderly, poor, rural, married women with name changes, etc.).

The Civil War / Lincoln analogy

Lincoln faced an actual rupture of the Union, a war, and the legal ownership of millions of human beings. The Emancipation Proclamation was a wartime measure; the 13th Amendment required a constitutional process amid existential conflict. Even granting every strong claim about 2020 irregularities, media bias, intelligence community overreach, Russia Gate flaws, the Hunter Biden laptop suppression, COVID-era administrative expansions, or assassination attempts, the scale and character differ. Polarization and institutional distrust are severe. They are not the same as secession and slavery.

Charlie Kirk was assassinated in September 2025 while speaking at a university; prosecutors have pointed to political animus in the charging documents (engraved bullet, texts about “hatred”). Trump survived multiple attempts. Political violence and eliminationist rhetoric are real and condemnable from any direction. They do not automatically convert a documentation requirement for voter registration into the moral or historical equivalent of ending slavery.

What non-passage actually means

If the SAVE Act remains blocked:

  • Existing law (citizenship required) continues.
  • States retain primary control over registration and verification methods; some already require stronger proof or conduct regular clean-ups.
  • Claims of systemic non-citizen voting sufficient to swing national outcomes remain unproven by the audits and prosecutions that have occurred.
  • Partisan distrust deepens. Trump and allies will treat the failure as evidence of elite resistance to accountability; opponents will treat the push as evidence of an effort to suppress turnout.
  • Midterm and future elections proceed under the status-quo rules. Impeachment, investigation, and rhetorical escalation remain possible tools for whichever side holds institutional power—tools that have already been used aggressively in recent years.

Passage would standardize documentary proof of citizenship for federal registration and related verification steps. It would likely reduce the already-small number of improper non-citizen registrations at the cost of new administrative hurdles for some eligible citizens. It would not by itself “guarantee” future elections or prevent other forms of dispute (mail rules, drop boxes, ballot curing, legal challenges, media narratives). It also would not erase deeper sources of distrust: intelligence community involvement in domestic politics, selective prosecution perceptions, or activist judicial intervention.

On sources and “captivity”

Distrust of legacy media, certain intelligence assessments, and institutional self-reporting is earned on multiple recent episodes (Steele dossier problems, laptop suppression, shifting COVID guidance, uneven treatment of political violence). That does not license treating every contested claim as proven conspiracy or every counter-claim as deep-state propaganda. Courts, bipartisan election officials, state audits, and the absence of successful outcome-changing litigation after 2020 remain relevant data points. Extraordinary claims about a fully stolen election or an administrative coup require correspondingly strong, publicly verifiable evidence; much of what circulates remains assertion, selective data, or disputed interpretation.

An even-handed assessment does not require accepting the “business as usual / Trump is the threat” frame or the “stolen election / existential crisis” frame as settled fact. It requires weighing the documented incidence of the specific problem the SAVE Act targets, the constitutional allocation of election authority, the practical burdens of the proposed remedy, and the actual (not imagined) consequences of the current stalemate. Polarization is dangerous. Treating ordinary legislative disagreement as the moral equivalent of the Civil War escalates rather than clarifies it.

 

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The Battle of Marathon is misremembered
The battle had been quickish

The Battle of Marathon is misremembered

The famous runner did not sprint from the battlefield to Athens with the news of victory and then drop dead. That story is a later legend. Pheidippides ran before the fighting, all the way to Sparta, to ask for help. The Spartans said they would come after the Carneia festival ended — after the full moon. In other words: do not wait. Athens had to decide without them.

That decision is the real story of 490 BC.

Athens was a young, still-fragile democracy. The Peisistratid tyranny had ended only twenty years earlier. Cleisthenes’ reforms of 508/7 had created the assembly, the ten tribes, the Council of 500, and the ten elected generals. The city was not yet the naval empire of the next generation. Its strength was the hoplite militia of citizen-farmers. The last tyrant, Hippias, was sailing with the Persian fleet. He hoped a landing at Marathon would produce a coup inside the city and restore him. Some aristocratic houses were later accused of being willing to open the gates.

When Eretria fell and the Persian fleet turned toward Attica, the Athenians faced a choice: stay behind their walls or march out. The walls of 490 were not the later Themistoclean circuit. The Acropolis was the real strongpoint. Waiting inside risked a siege, possible treachery, and the ruin of the Attic countryside. Miltiades, one of the ten generals and a man who had once ruled in the Chersonese under Persian oversight, argued they must meet the enemy in the field before the Persians could use their cavalry or receive help from inside the city. The assembly voted to march.

Roughly 9,000–10,000 Athenian hoplites and 1,000 Plataeans left for Marathon, about 40 km away. They left the city itself thinly garrisoned.

They chose the ground. They thinned the centre and weighted the wings. They charged across open ground to close the distance under arrow fire. The Persian centre pushed the Greek centre back; the Greek wings broke the flanks and wheeled inward. The Persians broke for their ships. Callimachus died in the pursuit. Herodotus’ numbers — 6,400 Persian dead, 192 Athenian — are unusually precise and broadly accepted as in the right order of magnitude.

It was not one-sided. The Persians had numbers, cavalry, and a large fleet. They simply did not anticipate the wing manoeuvre, or they could not bring their horse into play in time. They would fight again.

Victory at Marathon was not the end of the day. The Persian fleet put to sea and rounded Sounion, apparently intending to strike Athens while its army was still in the field. The hoplites force-marched back and arrived in time. The Persians saw the army already in position and sailed away.

The victory gave the new democracy prestige and confirmed it in the eyes of many citizens. It did not make Athens safe. Ten years later a far larger army under Xerxes forced the complete evacuation of the city.

That is the Athens of 490: a recently democratised city-state of citizen-soldiers, still small by later standards, betting everything on a single battle rather than a siege. The runner who mattered was the one who went to Sparta. The choice that mattered was the decision to fight in the open rather than wait behind walls for a tyrant and a fifth column. The rest is memory layered on top of a hard, closely run day.

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September 09, 2026
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Lindbergh an elite criminal?
Eugenics is not a mild character flaw

“Who Kidnapped the Lindbergh Baby?” is a ~77-minute America’s Untold Stories livestream (Mark Groubert and Eric Hunley, July 2022). It is not a closed “we solved it” documentary. It walks through the official story, then spends most of its time on the oddities, weak points in the Hauptmann case, and the theories that have never gone away.

What the hosts cover

They start with Lindbergh’s status: in 1927 he was not just a famous pilot but, in their phrasing, a combination of Neil Armstrong, a superstar athlete, and a rock star. He married Anne Morrow; they were building a large New Jersey estate (Highfields) they typically used on weekends. On Tuesday 1 March 1932 they were there because the 20-month-old, Charles Jr., had a cold. Around 9–10 p.m. nurse Betty Gow found the crib empty. A ransom note was on the windowsill. A homemade three-section ladder lay below, one rung broken.

The hosts stress details that still bother researchers:

  • The family was not usually there midweek.
  • The house terrier did not bark.
  • Lindbergh later said he heard a cracking sound downstairs and did not immediately go up.
  • Re-enactments with a sandbag the baby’s weight snapped the same rung; many people think the child was dropped and died that night from a skull fracture.
  • The body was found 12 May, only a few miles away, badly decomposed but still in the sleeping suit.

They recount the ransom trail: retired teacher John F. Condon (“Jafsie”) as go-between, cemetery meetings with a German-accented “Cemetery John,” $50,000 in gold certificates paid, a bogus note about a boat called Nelly, then nothing. In 1934 a marked gold certificate at a Bronx gas station led to carpenter Bruno Richard Hauptmann. Police found more ransom money in his garage, Condon’s number written in a closet, and wood they said matched the ladder. The 1935 Flemington trial was a media circus. Hauptmann was convicted and electrocuted in 1936 while maintaining innocence.

What they argue is still open

The hosts treat Hauptmann as possibly involved (the money is hard to explain away) but not as a clean lone-wolf solution. They flag:

  • No fingerprints of his in the nursery or on the note.
  • Condon’s first lineup identification was shaky.
  • Handwriting and ladder-wood evidence have been attacked as overstated or contaminated.
  • The investigation was dominated by Lindbergh himself; staff were not fully isolated from him.
  • Governor Hoffman later doubted the verdict.

They lay out the usual competing theories without picking a winner: an inside job or household help; a second man with Hauptmann; Robert Zorn’s candidate John Knoll as “Cemetery John”; and the darker line (Lloyd Gardner, Lise Pearlman and others) that Lindbergh’s eugenics views, the child’s reported health problems (rickets-like issues, large head), his control of the inquiry, and the rushed cremation point toward the father covering something up. They call these “dots that are not connected” and say nobody has all the answers.

Bottom line of the video: the official story is Bruno Hauptmann acting alone for ransom, the baby dying (likely by accident) during the abduction. The show’s position is that the case is still the first great American true-crime mystery—money ties Hauptmann to the ransom, but the kidnapping itself, the number of people involved, and whether the executed man was the only or even the main perpetrator remain contested.

=

Hauptmann's posession of the money elevates the Lindbergh complicity because Lindbergh had the money to make the frame. That doesn't prove anything. - ed

=

You’re right on the logic, and right on the limit.

Hauptmann having a large stash of the marked gold certificates is the single strongest fact against him. It is not, by itself, proof that he built the ladder, entered the nursery, or killed the child. Money in a garage shows he handled the proceeds, or handled proceeds that someone else had already taken. It does not uniquely identify who climbed the wall.

The frame version of the same fact is also coherent as a possibility:

  • The ransom left Lindbergh’s control when Condon handed it over.
  • After that, anyone who ended up with a bundle of those bills could hide them on a carpenter who already looked like “Cemetery John,” spoke with a German accent, and had no clean story.
  • Lindbergh was rich, famous, ran much of the investigation, limited who police could question, and had every incentive to produce a culprit. In that narrow sense, “he had the means to complete a frame” is true.

That still does not prove he did it. A frame needs more than opportunity and motive-in-theory. It needs a path for the bills from the cemetery drop to Hauptmann that does not go through Hauptmann as the recipient, plus an explanation for the attic rail, the handwriting matches (disputed as they are), the closet phone number, and why a man facing the chair never produced Fisch or anyone else who could take the money off him. Those pieces can all be attacked. They cannot all be wished away by saying “the family had cash.”

So the money cuts both ways:

  • Official story: he had it because he took it.
  • Complicity/frame story: he had it because it was put there, or because he was a cut-out.

Neither reading is forced by the bills alone. Possession raises the cost of calling Hauptmann a total stranger to the crime. It does not close the case that Lindbergh arranged the death or the frame. That remains what it was in the video and in the fringe books: a pattern of control, oddities, and eugenic worldview that could fit a darker story, not a demonstration that it happened.

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September 07, 2026
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What will one do for love?
Love endures, even the passing of the loved one.

What will one do for love?

On 10 September 1547, two regents met in a field east of Edinburgh and tried to settle a marriage by cannon. On 10 September 1846, almost three centuries later to the day, a poor Cambridge machinist was granted a patent for a machine born of watching his wife sew. One story is about a crown that would not take no for an answer. The other is about a household that could not afford to keep sewing by hand. Both ask the same question: what will one do for love—or for the thing one has decided to call love?

Henry VIII wanted his son Edward married to the infant Mary, Queen of Scots. The Treaty of Greenwich of 1543 was the polite version. The Scots rejected it and looked to France. Henry died in January 1547. His brother-in-law, Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector for the nine-year-old Edward VI, did not drop the project. He wanted the marriage and an English-style reformation of the Scottish church. When talk failed, he marched. James Hamilton, Earl of Arran, governed for five-year-old Mary. So the last full-scale battle between the independent kingdoms of England and Scotland was fought by two men acting for children who could not yet choose.

Somerset brought about 16,800 fighting men, a heavy gun train, German arquebusiers, some 6,000 horse, and a fleet of about thirty ships. Arran had more men—most estimates sit near 22,000 to 23,000, some higher—chiefly pikemen, Highland archers, and light Border horse. On 9 September the Scottish cavalry was broken in a foolish, chivalric challenge on Falside Hill. On the morning of the 10th Arran left a strong position west of the Esk and came on in pike columns, perhaps fearing the English would seize the Inveresk slopes, perhaps mistaking a movement toward the guns for a retreat to the ships. English warships raked his left. Field guns, arquebuses, and bows found the crowded columns. The Scots drove off a cavalry charge and nearly took the royal standard, then stalled under fire from three sides and broke. The pursuit ran for miles toward Edinburgh and Leith. The Esk ran red. English dead numbered a few hundred. Scottish dead were in the thousands; Huntly’s figure of about 6,000 is more credible than the English claim of 14,000 or 15,000. Scotland called it Black Saturday.

Somerset occupied ground and planted garrisons. He did not get the girl. Mary was moved, then sent to France in 1548 to marry the Dauphin. The Auld Alliance was renewed. The occupation bled the English treasury. Peace came in 1551. The marriage England had sought at the point of a pike never happened. Pinkie was militarily modern—infantry, horse, field artillery, and naval guns used together—and politically barren. That is what a dynasty will do when it confuses alliance with affection.

Elias Howe Jr. was not a duke. He was born in 1819 in Spencer, Massachusetts, a journeyman machinist, later in Cambridge, poor. His wife Elizabeth took in sewing. Earlier patented machines existed; John Greenough’s 1842 patent was the first American sewing-machine grant. Most of them made a chainstitch. Howe watched his wife and decided a machine should not copy the motion of a human arm. George Fisher boarded the family and put in $500 for a half-share. By April 1845 Howe had a working model that sewed two woollen suits. On 10 September 1846 he received U.S. Patent 4,750, the fifth American sewing-machine patent and the first for a practical lockstitch: a curved eye-pointed needle on a vibrating arm, thread from a spool, a shuttle with a second thread locking the loop, and an automatic feed. About 250 stitches a minute. He did not invent the eye-pointed needle. He made the combination work.

American tailors were cold. Howe’s brother Amasa took the idea to England. William Thomas bought rights and patented there that December. The English venture failed. Howe came home in debt. Elizabeth died in 1849. Isaac Singer and others sold machines on the same lockstitch principle. Howe spent years in court. The courts held his patent basic. In 1856 the makers formed a patent pool. Howe took royalties—commonly given as five dollars a machine in the United States and one dollar on exports—and over the life of the patent, extended to 1867, on the order of two million dollars. He later built machines at Bridgeport, showed them at expositions, took a Paris gold medal and the Légion d’honneur. Singer sold the household machine. Howe established the stitch.

It is easy to over- sweeten this. Howe was not a saint of domestic piety. He became rich by defending a patent, not by putting a machine in every kitchen. Manchester’s mills were already a fact of the textile age; Howe’s lockstitch was an American mechanical solution that industry and later the home adopted. Still, the origin is not a treaty. It is a man who could not watch his wife’s hands work forever without trying to change the work.

Set the two Septembers side by side and the word love splits. Somerset’s love was policy: a child-bride as instrument of union and reform, enforced by combined arms on the Esk. Howe’s was narrower and more honest: a wife sewing because there was no other money, and a mind that refused to treat her labour as unchangeable. One campaign kidnapped a kingdom’s future and lost the prize. The other began in a rented room and, after ruin, lawsuits, and a grave, altered how cloth is joined.

What will one do for love? Some will burn a country to secure a marriage that never takes place. Some will stay at the bench until a needle and a shuttle lock two threads. History is not obliged to prefer the second. It is obliged to notice that they are not the same thing. Within 60 years of the battle, England and Scotland united, remaining so today.

 

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