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The Enduring Legacy of Simpson and His Donkey
In the Face of Overwhelming Odds
June 30, 2026
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Hero Simpson features on coin, stamp cover

In the Face of Overwhelming Odds: The Enduring Legacy of Simpson and His Donkey

On the rugged slopes above Anzac Cove in the early hours of 25 April 1915, as thousands of Australian and New Zealand troops scrambled ashore into withering Turkish fire, a quiet act of improvisation began that would come to symbolise something far greater than any single battle. A young stretcher-bearer named John Simpson Kirkpatrick — known to history simply as Simpson — spotted stray donkeys amid the chaos. He put them to work carrying wounded men down the steep, bullet-swept gullies to the beach. For the next three and a half weeks, until a machine-gun bullet found him on 19 May, he did this again and again, day and night, under shrapnel and sniper fire.

His story, and that of his donkey, has become one of the most powerful images of the Gallipoli campaign — not because it changed the strategic outcome, but because it revealed what ordinary men can do when the odds are stacked impossibly against them.

Humble beginnings in an English port town

John Kirkpatrick was born on 6 July 1892 in the working-class district of Tyne Dock, South Shields, on the north-east coast of England. He was the son of a Scottish merchant seaman, Robert Kirkpatrick, and Sarah Simpson. One of eight children in a hard-pressed household, several of his siblings died young. The family knew poverty and instability. Young Jack, as he was called, attended local schools but left formal education around age twelve or thirteen. He worked first as a milk delivery boy on a horse-drawn float. During summer holidays he earned pennies leading donkey rides along the beach at Herd Sand — early, unremarkable work with the very animals that would later define his legend.

He loved animals and possessed an independent, restless streak. At sixteen he briefly trained with the Territorial Force. At seventeen he went to sea in the merchant navy. In May 1910 he deserted his ship at Newcastle, New South Wales, and began a wandering life in Australia: swagman, cane-cutter in Queensland, coal miner in the Illawarra, brief time on the Western Australian goldfields, then work as a steward, fireman and greaser on coastal vessels. He sent money home to his mother and sister whenever he could. When war came in 1914 he enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force in Perth on 23 August, giving his name as John Simpson — possibly to obscure his desertion. He was allotted to the 3rd Field Ambulance as a stretcher-bearer. He believed the war might take him back to England. Instead, it took him to Gallipoli.

Three weeks that became legend

Simpson landed at dawn on 25 April with the covering force. The terrain was brutal — steep ridges, narrow gullies like Monash Valley and Shrapnel Gully, all dominated by Turkish positions. Wounded men faced agonisingly slow carries on stretchers over broken ground while under fire. Simpson saw the donkeys — strays or abandoned — and realised they could move faster and carry more. He began leading them, often with two wounded men slung across their backs, down from the forward areas to the beach dressing stations.

He worked with cheerful determination, sometimes singing or whistling. Fellow soldiers knew him as “Simmie,” “Scotty,” or “the bloke with the donk.” Indian muleteers called him Bahadur — “bravest of the brave.” He operated with a degree of independence, sometimes camping with the Indian transport lines. Other stretcher-bearers followed his example. He was not the only one doing this work, but his visible, repeated forays under fire made him the enduring symbol of it.

Popular accounts later credited him with saving around 300 lives. Historians note that precise numbers are impossible to verify and that early propaganda inflated the figure; the physical demands of each trip make 300 in three weeks unrealistic. What is beyond dispute is that he repeatedly risked his life to speed evacuation and ease suffering when every other method was slower and more dangerous. His initiative turned available animals into lifesaving transport.

On 19 May 1915, during a major Turkish counter-attack, Simpson was shot through the heart by machine-gun fire while bringing in wounded in Monash Valley. He was twenty-two. He was buried at Beach Cemetery on the southern end of Anzac Cove. He was mentioned in despatches. Recommendations for higher awards were made but not granted — a point of later controversy, though inquiries have found no clear evidence of a formal Victoria Cross recommendation that was denied.

Sacrifice when victory is not the point

Gallipoli was a campaign conceived in grand strategic terms — to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war and open a supply route to Russia. It failed. Poor planning, inadequate intelligence, difficult terrain, and determined Turkish defence under Mustafa Kemal turned it into a bloody stalemate. The Allies suffered enormous casualties for no lasting territorial gain and eventually evacuated in December 1915–January 1916. Yet from that military disappointment emerged one of the most powerful national stories Australia and New Zealand possess.

Simpson’s story sits at the heart of that narrative because it embodies the ANZAC qualities most often invoked: mateship, endurance, resourcefulness, and courage in the face of overwhelming odds. He did not storm trenches or win ground. He simply refused to let wounded men lie untended when a donkey and a determined man could do something about it. His sacrifice was not strategic. It was human.

History offers many examples of such stands. The 300 Spartans at Thermopylae delayed a Persian host knowing they would die. Australian militia on the Kokoda Track in 1942 held against better-trained and more numerous Japanese forces long enough for reinforcements to arrive, despite malaria, dysentery, and near-starvation. In every war, stretcher-bearers, medics, runners, and ordinary soldiers have performed similar acts of stubborn mercy or duty when the larger battle looked lost. These moments do not alter maps or treaties. They reveal character.

The broader lesson is not that sacrifice is always wise or that war is glorious. Gallipoli reminds us how easily the lives of young men can be spent by distant planners on flawed premises. Yet within that tragedy, individuals still chose to lessen suffering rather than add to it. Simpson used whatever was at hand — a stray donkey, his own legs and courage — to carry burdens that were not his. That choice, repeated daily under fire, is what turned a brief, obscure service into an enduring symbol.

Man with the Donkey (aka Private John Simpson and his Little Donkey) - City Collection

Statues now stand in Melbourne and in his birthplace of South Shields. His image appears on stamps, coins, and in countless school lessons. The legend has grown, and with it some romantic exaggeration. But the core remains true: in a place where everything was stacked against survival and success, one man kept walking into danger to bring others out.

We remember Simpson and his donkey not because they won the day at Gallipoli — they did not — but because they showed what fidelity looks like when the odds are overwhelming and the outcome uncertain. In every generation there are new gullies to cross and new wounded to carry. The question his story still poses is whether we will find the same stubborn compassion, using whatever humble means lie to hand, to do what we can when the larger battle seems already lost.

Lest we forget.

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In the American system, legislators are elected to set policy. Public servants are hired to execute it. When the permanent bureaucracy begins to set its own social agenda and resist or reshape the directions of elected executives, the relationship is inverted. The phrase “Deep State” is often used as a denunciation of this tendency. The underlying problem is older than the phrase. British governments long wrestled with a permanent civil service whose institutional interests and cultural assumptions could diverge from the elected government of the day. The East India Company, for example, developed its own momentum and priorities that were not always identical to those of the Crown. Market forces and large organisations take on a life of their own. The best governments often succeed less by micromanaging every outcome than by setting clear behavioural boundaries and then allowing competent systems to operate. The difficulty arises when the permanent apparatus accumulates enough power and ideological confidence to treat elected direction as optional.

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The January 6 Select Committee was bipartisan in name only. Its composition, investigative priorities, and public presentation were overwhelmingly partisan. The later pardons of certain senior figures associated with related events only deepened the appearance of selective justice. More troubling still has been the aggressive prosecution of lawyers who represented Donald Trump or advanced legal arguments on his behalf. Several of those lawyers were prominent, experienced practitioners. Treating zealous advocacy itself as a prosecutable offence risks chilling the very adversarial process the legal system claims to protect.

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A free society requires robust legal argument on contested elections, executive power, and cultural questions. What it cannot afford is a legal fraternity that functions as an extension of one political coalition. When the guardians of process become participants in the culture war, the scales tip, the blindfold slips, and public trust erodes. The remedy is not the replacement of one orthodoxy with another, but the recovery of institutional restraint: judges who stay within their lane, prosecutors who apply the law evenly, and lawyers who remember that their first duty is to the integrity of the system rather than the victory of their tribe.

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Academia and Entertainment: Captured Institutions Converting to Agenda

Samuel Clemens, writing as Mark Twain, once advised that one should not let schooling get in the way of one’s education. The warning still applies, though the danger has shifted. Where once the risk was pedantry or empty credentialism, today it is the conversion of entire cultural institutions into vehicles for a narrow agenda.

Consider a recent classroom scene. An Arts/Law student sits in a literary criticism seminar. The set text is a play in which a family man leaves his wife and children to live with a goat. He tells his former wife that he loves his family, yet loves the goat more—not merely sexually, but socially and existentially. The play traces the evolution of that relationship. Class discussion centres on the meaning of love, framed almost exclusively through queer theory. The student, a Christian, asks whether this text offers a balanced sample from which to draw broad conclusions about love and human relationships. The lecturer denounces the question as inappropriate and declares that the subject matter itself may not be questioned. The student may have passed the course. High distinction is unlikely.

What does that episode suggest about literature and arts graduates who consistently receive high marks under such regimes? We are watching the steady destruction of a cultural asset. Literature once trained readers to weigh competing claims about human nature, to recognise irony, tragedy, and moral complexity. When the only permissible lens is a predetermined ideology, the capacity for independent judgment atrophies. Graduates leave fluent in the approved vocabulary yet poorly equipped to read a text on its own terms or to tolerate disagreement.

The same pattern appears in entertainment. A Hollywood figure who has survived being publicly labelled conservative is approached by a world-famous director who shares the quiet view. “Why are we whispering?” one asks the other. The question is revealing. Two people whose professional lives depend on creative judgment feel compelled to lower their voices when discussing ordinary political or cultural opinions. Does their opinion matter less than their skill? A plumber who is inexpensive and effective may believe in aliens without professional consequence. Hollywood, by contrast, increasingly elevates identity over talent. Even gifted artists whose views fall outside the narrow current orthodoxy—JK Rowling and Gal Gadot among them—have faced organised attempts at cancellation on matters irrelevant to their craft. Both remain popular with large audiences; both have been treated as liabilities by institutions that once claimed to prize excellence.

History offers an instructive contrast. The mid-century Hollywood blacklist of communists was widely denounced, and rightly so when it punished people for beliefs rather than actions. Yet it is also true that committed communists worked inside the industry and sought to advance their politics through it. Figures such as Nixon and Reagan, whatever their other faults, understood the stakes and pushed back. Today the institutional immune system appears weaker. The direction of pressure has reversed: open conservatism is the riskier stance, while progressive conformity is safer.

Intellectual independence used to be a prized academic virtue. In many Ivy League departments the proportion of faculty who identify as conservative now falls below ten percent; in some fields the figure is closer to zero. Australia has its own illustrations. A Sydney University professor of Australian poetry was effectively pushed out after his private conservative views became public through a privacy breach. When a multi-billion-dollar bequest was offered to an Australian university specifically for the study of Western culture, the institution struggled to identify suitable scholars or structures to receive it. These are not isolated personnel disputes. They are symptoms of institutional capture.

It is entirely appropriate that a free society wrestle openly with questions of cultural identity, meaning, and morality. Democracy requires such argument. What is dangerous is the conversion of universities and entertainment institutions into enforcers of a single orthodoxy. When classrooms treat dissent as moral failure and studios treat talent as secondary to correct opinion, the culture itself is impoverished. The remedy is not silence or counter-orthodoxy, but the recovery of genuine intellectual independence—the willingness to let a text, a film, or an argument stand or fall on its merits rather than on its alignment with the prevailing agenda.

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