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The Enduring Legacy of Simpson and His Donkey
In the Face of Overwhelming Odds
June 30, 2026
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Hero Simpson features on coin, stamp cover

In the Face of Overwhelming Odds: The Enduring Legacy of Simpson and His Donkey

On the rugged slopes above Anzac Cove in the early hours of 25 April 1915, as thousands of Australian and New Zealand troops scrambled ashore into withering Turkish fire, a quiet act of improvisation began that would come to symbolise something far greater than any single battle. A young stretcher-bearer named John Simpson Kirkpatrick — known to history simply as Simpson — spotted stray donkeys amid the chaos. He put them to work carrying wounded men down the steep, bullet-swept gullies to the beach. For the next three and a half weeks, until a machine-gun bullet found him on 19 May, he did this again and again, day and night, under shrapnel and sniper fire.

His story, and that of his donkey, has become one of the most powerful images of the Gallipoli campaign — not because it changed the strategic outcome, but because it revealed what ordinary men can do when the odds are stacked impossibly against them.

Humble beginnings in an English port town

John Kirkpatrick was born on 6 July 1892 in the working-class district of Tyne Dock, South Shields, on the north-east coast of England. He was the son of a Scottish merchant seaman, Robert Kirkpatrick, and Sarah Simpson. One of eight children in a hard-pressed household, several of his siblings died young. The family knew poverty and instability. Young Jack, as he was called, attended local schools but left formal education around age twelve or thirteen. He worked first as a milk delivery boy on a horse-drawn float. During summer holidays he earned pennies leading donkey rides along the beach at Herd Sand — early, unremarkable work with the very animals that would later define his legend.

He loved animals and possessed an independent, restless streak. At sixteen he briefly trained with the Territorial Force. At seventeen he went to sea in the merchant navy. In May 1910 he deserted his ship at Newcastle, New South Wales, and began a wandering life in Australia: swagman, cane-cutter in Queensland, coal miner in the Illawarra, brief time on the Western Australian goldfields, then work as a steward, fireman and greaser on coastal vessels. He sent money home to his mother and sister whenever he could. When war came in 1914 he enlisted in the Australian Imperial Force in Perth on 23 August, giving his name as John Simpson — possibly to obscure his desertion. He was allotted to the 3rd Field Ambulance as a stretcher-bearer. He believed the war might take him back to England. Instead, it took him to Gallipoli.

Three weeks that became legend

Simpson landed at dawn on 25 April with the covering force. The terrain was brutal — steep ridges, narrow gullies like Monash Valley and Shrapnel Gully, all dominated by Turkish positions. Wounded men faced agonisingly slow carries on stretchers over broken ground while under fire. Simpson saw the donkeys — strays or abandoned — and realised they could move faster and carry more. He began leading them, often with two wounded men slung across their backs, down from the forward areas to the beach dressing stations.

He worked with cheerful determination, sometimes singing or whistling. Fellow soldiers knew him as “Simmie,” “Scotty,” or “the bloke with the donk.” Indian muleteers called him Bahadur — “bravest of the brave.” He operated with a degree of independence, sometimes camping with the Indian transport lines. Other stretcher-bearers followed his example. He was not the only one doing this work, but his visible, repeated forays under fire made him the enduring symbol of it.

Popular accounts later credited him with saving around 300 lives. Historians note that precise numbers are impossible to verify and that early propaganda inflated the figure; the physical demands of each trip make 300 in three weeks unrealistic. What is beyond dispute is that he repeatedly risked his life to speed evacuation and ease suffering when every other method was slower and more dangerous. His initiative turned available animals into lifesaving transport.

On 19 May 1915, during a major Turkish counter-attack, Simpson was shot through the heart by machine-gun fire while bringing in wounded in Monash Valley. He was twenty-two. He was buried at Beach Cemetery on the southern end of Anzac Cove. He was mentioned in despatches. Recommendations for higher awards were made but not granted — a point of later controversy, though inquiries have found no clear evidence of a formal Victoria Cross recommendation that was denied.

Sacrifice when victory is not the point

Gallipoli was a campaign conceived in grand strategic terms — to knock the Ottoman Empire out of the war and open a supply route to Russia. It failed. Poor planning, inadequate intelligence, difficult terrain, and determined Turkish defence under Mustafa Kemal turned it into a bloody stalemate. The Allies suffered enormous casualties for no lasting territorial gain and eventually evacuated in December 1915–January 1916. Yet from that military disappointment emerged one of the most powerful national stories Australia and New Zealand possess.

Simpson’s story sits at the heart of that narrative because it embodies the ANZAC qualities most often invoked: mateship, endurance, resourcefulness, and courage in the face of overwhelming odds. He did not storm trenches or win ground. He simply refused to let wounded men lie untended when a donkey and a determined man could do something about it. His sacrifice was not strategic. It was human.

History offers many examples of such stands. The 300 Spartans at Thermopylae delayed a Persian host knowing they would die. Australian militia on the Kokoda Track in 1942 held against better-trained and more numerous Japanese forces long enough for reinforcements to arrive, despite malaria, dysentery, and near-starvation. In every war, stretcher-bearers, medics, runners, and ordinary soldiers have performed similar acts of stubborn mercy or duty when the larger battle looked lost. These moments do not alter maps or treaties. They reveal character.

The broader lesson is not that sacrifice is always wise or that war is glorious. Gallipoli reminds us how easily the lives of young men can be spent by distant planners on flawed premises. Yet within that tragedy, individuals still chose to lessen suffering rather than add to it. Simpson used whatever was at hand — a stray donkey, his own legs and courage — to carry burdens that were not his. That choice, repeated daily under fire, is what turned a brief, obscure service into an enduring symbol.

Man with the Donkey (aka Private John Simpson and his Little Donkey) - City Collection

Statues now stand in Melbourne and in his birthplace of South Shields. His image appears on stamps, coins, and in countless school lessons. The legend has grown, and with it some romantic exaggeration. But the core remains true: in a place where everything was stacked against survival and success, one man kept walking into danger to bring others out.

We remember Simpson and his donkey not because they won the day at Gallipoli — they did not — but because they showed what fidelity looks like when the odds are overwhelming and the outcome uncertain. In every generation there are new gullies to cross and new wounded to carry. The question his story still poses is whether we will find the same stubborn compassion, using whatever humble means lie to hand, to do what we can when the larger battle seems already lost.

Lest we forget.

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Terrorism needs no reason. Reasons still underpin it.

On 16 September 1920 a horse wagon exploded on Wall Street. Thirty-eight dead. Hundreds wounded. No one was convicted. We still do not know, as a matter of court record, who lit the fuse. We do know there were reasons. Flyers signed “American Anarchist Fighters” had already been dropped nearby: free the political prisoners, or it will be sure death for all of you. Five days earlier Sacco and Vanzetti had been indicted. Historians point to Mario Buda and the Galleanists. The Bureau of Investigation never closed the circle. Wall Street swept the glass, reopened the Exchange, and went back to work. The scars are still in the marble at 23 Wall Street. There is no plaque.

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Cakewalk, where did the expression come from? 'It was supposed to be a cakewalk' a soldier might complain, feeling a simple mission wasn't. But the word is not from war.

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A cakewalk was a dance. Enslaved African Americans in the antebellum South created it. They did not import it from Africa as a finished form. They took the European grand promenade they saw in the big house — the Grand March, the minuet, the stiff carriage of formal wear — and turned it into a high-stepping, backward-leaning, inventively comic parody. Couples dressed in borrowed or handed-down finery. They added shuffles, kicks and African-derived movement. The couple judged most elegant or most inventive won a decorated cake. That prize is why we still say someone “takes the cake.”

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After emancipation the dance moved into Black community gatherings, then onto the minstrel stage. White performers in blackface inverted the satire into caricature. African American professionals later reclaimed it. Bert Williams and George Walker (with Aida Overton Walker) made it a theatrical specialty and took it to Broadway. Championship contests filled Madison Square Garden in the 1890s. The dance reached Europe; Paris had a brief “folie du cake-walk.” John Philip Sousa’s band carried cakewalk numbers abroad. The music — 2/4 march bass under a syncopated strut — fed directly into ragtime. Kerry Mills’s “At a Georgia Camp Meeting,” Abe Holzmann’s “Smoky Mokes,” Scott Joplin’s “Swipesy Cakewalk,” and Debussy’s joking “Golliwogg’s Cake-Walk” all sit on that line.

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That is where the expression comes from. Not from a battlefield that looked easy. From a dance that looked easy while it was doing something else.

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Administrative Justice can be weak
Or corrupt

Administrative Justice can be weak

The three cases sit in different wars and different offences, but they share the same machinery: a commander needs an example, a court is assembled under pressure, and politics decides who dies and who is remembered.

Harry “Breaker” Morant and Peter Handcock — Boer War, 1902

Harry Harbord Morant (born Edwin Henry Murrant, 9 December 1864, Bridgwater) was an English-born Australian drover, horseman and Bulletin balladist. He enlisted for South Africa, then took a commission in the Bushveldt Carbineers, an irregular unit hunting Boer guerrillas in the northern Transvaal. After Captain Percy Hunt was killed (and, Morant believed, mutilated), Morant and Lieutenant Peter Handcock shot unarmed prisoners: Floris Visser; a group of eight Boers who came in to surrender; three more later. A German missionary, Rev. Daniel Heese, was also killed; they were acquitted of that charge. They admitted the prisoner killings. Defence counsel Major J. F. Thomas argued “no prisoners” orders from above, including Kitchener; the court was not satisfied those orders were proved.

Trials ran January–February 1902. The court recommended mercy for Morant on provocation, good service and inexperience. Kitchener confirmed death for Morant and Handcock, commuted George Witton’s sentence to life (Witton was released in 1904 after a large Australian petition). They were shot at Pretoria at dawn on 27 February 1902, about 18 hours after sentence, by Cameron Highlanders. Morant refused a blindfold. Last words, as remembered: “Shoot straight, you bastards! Don’t make a mess of it!” Australia was not consulted. Kitchener’s later telegram to the Governor-General said twelve murders were proved and Morant originated them. Pardons have been refused; Australian Attorney-General Nicola Roxon in 2012 said they did kill unarmed prisoners. Folk memory, and the 1980 film, still treat them as scapegoats for a dirty counter-guerrilla war. Guilt of the shootings is not seriously in dispute; the live argument is whether the trial was fair, whether “take no prisoners” was informal policy, and whether Kitchener needed a public example as peace talks approached.

Private Thomas James Highgate — Western Front, 8 September 1914

Highgate, 19, Shoreham farm labourer’s son, 1st Battalion Royal West Kent Regiment, was the first British soldier executed for desertion on the Western Front, 35 days into the war. After Mons and the retreat, on 5–6 September he left the line saying he needed to ease himself. Hours later a gamekeeper found him in civilian clothes near Tournan. He was reported as saying he had had enough and wanted out. Court-martial the same day: no defending officer, no witnesses from his company (they were scattered), previous pre-war absence on his sheet. He said he meant to rejoin and could not explain the civilian clothes. Smith-Dorrien wanted him shot “as publicly as possible.” Informed at 06:22 on 8 September, shot at 07:07 in front of Dorsets and Cheshires. No known grave; La Ferté-sous-Jouarre Memorial. Group pardon 2006 with the other Shot at Dawn men. Process was the lightest of the three: hours, not weeks; deterrence first, proof second. Line officers had just watched the BEF reel backwards; one teenager in civilian kit became the example.

Private Eddie Slovik — Western Front, 31 January 1945

Edward Donald Slovik, 24, Detroit, petty criminal, drafted 1944 into the 28th Infantry Division as a replacement. After coming under fire he left twice, then handed in a signed confession that he would desert again rather than fight. Offered a deal: return to the line and the charge drops. He refused. Court-martial 11 November 1944: nine officers, under two hours, unanimous death. Forty-nine U.S. soldiers received death for desertion in WWII; 48 sentences were commuted. Eisenhower confirmed Slovik’s during the Battle of the Bulge. Shot at 10:04 on 31 January 1945 at Sainte-Marie-aux-Mines by twelve men of his own regiment (eleven live rounds). He told them they were not shooting him for desertion — thousands had done that — but because he was an ex-con and they needed an example. He is the only U.S. soldier executed for desertion since the Civil War. Process was the heaviest of the three: counsel, reviews, theatre commander, written confession. The politics was timing and message, not speed.

What the three cases share

Decimation is the old form of the same idea: if a unit fails, kill some of it so the rest fight. Highgate and Slovik were not random lots; they were chosen because their files made the example easy. Morant was not a deserter. He was an officer who killed prisoners in a guerrilla war and then claimed superior orders. That is a different crime. Treating all three as the same “administrative injustice” flattens the distinction your draft already notes: bad officers send men to die; other officers shoot men who have already surrendered.

Politics is not an add-on. It is the point of a public execution. Kitchener needed German and Boer opinion managed as the war ended. Smith-Dorrien needed the retreat not to become a rout. Eisenhower needed the Ardennes not to dissolve into straggling. In each case the line managers — Hunt’s death and the Carbineers’ culture; the collapse after Mons; a replacement pipeline feeding a smashed division — created the mess. The courts then picked a man the file would carry.

The danger of treating desertion as a medical or political inconvenience in a total war is real. So is the danger of a court that exists to ratify a sentence already decided upstairs. Highgate’s hearing was too light to be justice. Slovik’s was heavy enough to look like justice and still produced the one death among forty-nine. Morant’s was long enough to look thorough, then finished in eighteen hours so there could be no appeal to Australia or to Kitchener in person.

That is administrative justice under fire: not Rome’s one-in-ten lottery, but a selection of the man whose death will preach. The sermon is discipline. The congregation is the army still in the line. Whether the preacher is honest is a separate question from whether the army can afford to look weak.

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