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oDDBall analysis of conservative politics with a libertarian economic conservative twist. Small government, big freedom.
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October 15, 2021
On this day 15th Oct 2014

Should I stay or Should I go?
All organisations need talent to prosper. Jarryd Hayne is one of the most talented players ever to play for the NRL. He has been hampered by playing for a low ranking club, and he has been short changed by the ARL not deciding on awarding him the player of the year on his own, but he has nothing left to prove. And at 26 years of age, super fit and talented, he has a big future, much bigger than small pond ARL. A bigger organisation is the ARU and the case of Kurtley Beale. Beale has done nothing wrong in using social media, but has been imprudent, and that threatens his career. But the ARU is very low at the moment. The coach, McKenzie has got the team to play much better than they have without much reward. The way forward is for Beale to play well on the field. A bigger organisation than either ARL or ARU is the NSW National Party, whose leader, Andrew Stoner, is stepping aside for family reasons. Stoner has been an excellent leader for the Nationals, leading them in coalition into government in 2011 after sixteen years. Stoner could have chosen to help, over the Hamidur Rahman issue. He didn't, but he is not an abuser. The Conservative Weasel wishes him well.

It's the end of the world as we know it
A freak weather occurrence has hit Sydney, a category two cyclone. It is cold and wet, except in nearby Blue Mountains where it is cold and snowy. Last year, forest fires were proclaimed by AGW hysterics as proof the world is warming to hell. Regardless of the finger of blame, some are suffering and one hopes that diverted misappropriated funds to AGW alarmist issues don't hamper rescue efforts. The ALP have a policy of making children pay for such things by borrowing unsustainably. But a research paper has been produced that has stunned AGW believers: Carbon Dioxide, aka plant food, is plant food .. and plants are absorbing it. A tax designed to reduce Carbon Dioxide, which ALP Leader Shorten calls 'Carbon,' would starve plants, but achieve nothing worthwhile.

When the left hand does not know what it is doing
Gillard used to be known as an elite policy producer for the ALP. She was said to have a razor sharp mind as well as an easy manner. Maybe she is easy, she has never crossed paths since she promised to discuss or help on an issue of policy on Sunrise in '07. But tragically her memory is failing her. She possesses so many other attributes of an elephant, but not memory. She might have been remembering her rhetoric when criticising Mr Howard over Tampa, but she was wrong in fact. She can't recall how she misappropriated money as a lawyer. She also has failed to correctly recall a conference incident in which her pride wasn't really hurt, but she felt it more keenly than an Enterprise empath. Maybe her failing memory is policy? It doesn't take much for members of the left to take hurt. They prize victimhood. But the social media effort to ban a Woolworth t-shirt which was marked "If you don't love it here you can leave" as well as the Australian flag, is outrageous. It is legitimate for nationalists to be proud, and the opposition to nationalism is allowed to say so in a free society, but wrong to silence the nationalists under a false label of racism. In fact racist bigots have used the expression on people the left wish to protect. A jihadist who is fighting against Australian troops was on disability, and had come to Australia as a so called asylum seeker. It is wrong to call every muslim a terrorist, but it is also wrong to call every nationalist a bigot. The effort is to gag free speech, and tragically the left are very good at doing that. And so an advert featuring journalist Andrew Bolt among others for a News Corp app makes the left choke.

Choices they make
The ANU has chosen to divest itself of profitable funds which activists don't like. The ANU is free to choose as it will, but should not be rewarded with tax payer money for making bad ones. A pro abortion rally prominently displayed a sign calling for others to kill babies. Incitement to kill is not free speech. There are arguments for and against abortion. It is a necessary life saving procedure, but it should not be a lifestyle choice. One abortion advocate risibly claimed she would abort her child on a set, soon, date, and declared it was her choice. There are alternatives which she failed to list, as tunnel vision on her end, listed quality of life excuses. Oscar Pistorius chose to kill his girlfriend on Valentines Day and, possibly to forestall a civil suit, paid blood money to her parents. One hopes he is jailed for a long time.

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00:01:07
November 27, 2022
Jingle Bell Rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells swing and jingle bells ring
Snowin' and blowin' up bushels of fun
Now the jingle hop has begun

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bells chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell rock

Jingle bell, jingle bell, jingle bell rock
Jingle bell chime in jingle bell time
Dancin' and prancin' in Jingle Bell Square
In the frosty air

What a bright time, it's the right time
To rock the night away
Jingle bell time is a swell time
To go glidin' in a one-horse sleigh

Giddy-up jingle horse, pick up your feet
Jingle around the clock
Mix and a-mingle in the jinglin' feet
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle bell
That's the jingle...

00:02:04
September 01, 2021
Intro to Locals for the Conservative Voice

David Daniel Ball calls himself the Conservative Voice.

I'm a teacher with three decades experience teaching math to high school kids.I also work with first graders and kids in between first grade and high school. I know the legends of why Hypatia's dad is remembered through his contribution to Math theory. And I know the legend of why followers of Godel had thought he had disproved God's existence.

I'm not a preacher, but I am a Christian who has written over 28 books all of which include some reference to my faith. Twelve blog books on world history and current affairs, detailing world events , births and marriages on each day of the year, organised by month. Twelve books on the background to and history of Bible Quotes. One Bible quote per day for a year. An intro to a science fiction series I'm planning, post apocalyptic cyber punk. An autobiography with short story collections.

I'm known in Australia for my failure as a whistleblower over the negligence death of a school boy. ...

00:01:50
Editorial from 2018 for June 9th

Don't give up on hope. Western Civilisation is on the nose of universities in Australia. Sydney University collapsed in 1990, and her upper executive got replaced by ALP managerialists as Keating fought a culture war which the Liberal Party have not effectively engaged. Dame Kramer had been made Chancellor, but the Chancellor's position is not executive at Sydney University. Kramer fought effectively for Western Values, but the University, now, is as partisan left as the ABC is now. Kramer had been a powerful presence in charge of the ABC too. 

In 1990, Sydney University lost her Chancellor and Vice Chancellor. The Chancellor, Hermann David Black, died after a long illness. James Anthony Rowland, a former governor of NSW took the chancellor's position for a few years, before passing it to Kramer in 1991. She held on to 2001. From 1981 to 1990, John Manning Ward was the executive head of Sydney University as Vice Chancellor. He had been writing a trilogy on Australian conservative leaders ...

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Sarah Palin wrote when Obama took office

We're in for a helluva' ride, America. Obama just named Susan Rice as his National Security Adviser and nominated Samantha Power to replace Rice as our U.N. ambassador. Samantha Power is married to Cass Sunstein, the very, very strange Obama pick for an early "czar" position who wowed us with his numerous bizarre claims including the wacko belief that animals should have the right to sue in court, that hunting should be banned as genocide, and that pet ownership is akin to “slavery.” But Mrs. Cass Sunstein’s character judgment in choosing her life partner is the least of America's worries. Information about Obama's new picks will be revealed in coming days. Pay attention to who they are; what they stand for; and what their records, associations, and statements reveal about them and their intentions. Especially consider Obama's chosen ones as evidence of his skewed thinking as he "fundamentally transforms" our great nation.

Here's just a taste, as summarized by The Daily Caller:

"In 2002, ...

Oxfam Lamb approach 2018

Oxfam lamb approached me at Dandenong mall. I was playing Pokémon Go. She said I was emailing her and I should face her instead. Lovely English accent. Blond. Blue eyed. I stopped and wished her a good day. She said “Stop. What if I were to ask you what was the deadliest danger children face today around the world? What might you say it is?” I replied “The UN preventing profit and condemning children to die without allowing parents the means to support themselves. But that is just me. I wish you a good day” and she stood with her mouth agape saying 'wow.'

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The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter
A Timeless Comic Creation

The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter: A Timeless Comic Creation

In the golden age of British boys' fiction, few characters have captured the imagination quite like William George Bunter — the "Fat Owl of the Remove" — whose girth, greed, and endless optimism have delighted generations since his debut in 1908. Created by the extraordinarily prolific Charles Hamilton under the pen name Frank Richards, Bunter emerged not as a heroic ideal but as a gloriously flawed anti-hero whose misadventures at the fictional Greyfriars School provided both escapism and gentle satire for a rapidly changing Britain.

Hamilton (1876–1961), born into modest circumstances in Ealing, Middlesex, was one of the most productive writers in literary history, churning out millions of words across dozens of pen names and school story series (including St. Jim's under Martin Clifford and Rookwood under Owen Conquest). Bunter began life in an unpublished tale from the late 1890s, inspired by a mix of real people: a corpulent editor, a short-sighted relative who peered "like an Owl," and a brother perpetually chasing phantom cheques. Introduced as a minor figure in the first issue of The Magnet story paper ("The Making of Harry Wharton"), Bunter's comic potential — his pomposity, ventriloquism, and bottomless appetite — quickly elevated him to star status alongside the more upright "Famous Five" led by Harry Wharton.

The Magnet, launched by the Amalgamated Press, became the vehicle for Hamilton's vivid, formulaic yet endlessly inventive tales of school life: "rags," cricket matches, barring-outs, and holiday escapades, all set against the timeless backdrop of a traditional English public boarding school. The stories froze the boys at around 14–15 years old, creating an eternal Edwardian summer of camaraderie and mischief that outlasted the paper itself, which folded in 1940 amid wartime shortages. Post-war, Hamilton revived Bunter in a successful series of hardback novels starting with Billy Bunter of Greyfriars School (1947), extending the character's life well into the 1960s.

Bunter's popularity exploded among a broad audience of British (and Commonwealth) boys — and not a few adults — in the early-to-mid 20th century. For working- and middle-class readers devouring penny weeklies, Greyfriars offered a window into a world of privilege tempered by universal schoolboy trials: bullying, friendship, authority, and the eternal quest for tuck (food). Orwell, in a famous 1940 essay, hailed Bunter as "a real creation," whose tight trousers, thudding canes, and mythical postal order resonated "wherever the Union Jack waves." The character's appeal lay in his transparency and resilience; despite being lazy, deceitful, and gluttonous, he remained oddly lovable, often stumbling into courage or loyalty.

As media transitioned, so did Bunter. From story papers to hardbacks, he moved into comics, stage plays, radio, and especially the long-running BBC television series (1952–1961), where Gerald Campion's wheezing, bespectacled portrayal cemented the Fat Owl's image for a new generation of postwar children. This cross-media evolution prefigured modern franchises, turning a literary character into a cultural icon complete with merchandise and nostalgia.

Bunter's influences run deep in both directions. He drew from the Victorian school story tradition — most notably Thomas Hughes' Tom Brown's Schooldays (1857) — but subverted its earnest moralizing with humor and anti-heroics. Hamilton stood the public school ethos on its head, using Bunter's excesses to satirize snobbery, pomposity, and the gap between aristocratic pretensions and reality. In turn, Bunter influenced countless later depictions of school life, from Enid Blyton's Malory Towers and St. Clare's to broader comedic archetypes in British literature and television. His DNA appears in everything from the gluttonous comic relief in children's stories to critiques of class and authority. Even J.K. Rowling's Hogwarts, with its boarding school adventures and house rivalries, echoes the Greyfriars formula, though updated for fantasy.

In an era of rapid social change, Bunter offered stability and laughter. Hamilton's creation endured world wars, the decline of empire, and shifting tastes because it tapped into something universal: the comedy of human frailty wrapped in the innocence of youth. Today, amid calls for "politically correct" revisions or outright dismissal of old public school tales, Bunter reminds us why these stories mattered — not as endorsements of elitism, but as joyful, character-driven escapism that celebrated friendship, resilience, and the absurdity of growing up.

As long as boys (and former boys) dream of postal orders, endless tuck, and "Yaroooh!" moments of comic justice, the Fat Owl will waddle on. Bunter isn't just a relic; he's a testament to the power of a well-drawn character to outlive his creator and his medium.

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The Hollowing Out of Western Education
Spending More, Achieving Less

The Hollowing Out of Western Education: Spending More, Achieving Less

Across the West — from the United States to Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and much of Europe — educational standards are in unmistakable decline. International assessments like the OECD’s PISA tell a consistent story: mathematics, reading, and science scores have fallen in recent cycles, with sharp drops post-2018 exacerbated but not caused by the pandemic. In the US, PISA math scores lag behind leading Asian nations and even many peers. Australia has slipped in long-term trends despite occasional ranking fluctuations. Similar patterns hold in Canada, the UK, and broader Europe. We are witnessing not isolated failures but a systemic erosion of core competencies in the very societies that once led the world in innovation and human capital.

This decline coincides with a dramatic rise in spending. In the US, inflation-adjusted per-pupil K-12 expenditures have surged — estimates range from roughly 60-280% over decades depending on the starting point, with real increases continuing into the 2020s. Aggregate figures across Western nations show education budgets ballooning, often outpacing inflation and economic growth. Yet outcomes stagnate or worsen. Something is profoundly wrong when societies pour vastly more resources into schooling and receive diminishing returns.

We have seen false alarms before. The 1983 A Nation at Risk report sparked national panic over collapsing standards in math and science. But the early 1990s Sandia Report, a careful re-examination, revealed a classic case of Simpson’s Paradox: overall averages fell while nearly every subgroup — by race, income, prior achievement — held steady or improved. The apparent crisis stemmed from a broadening test-taking pool that included more diverse and previously underrepresented students.

Today’s decline is different. Demographic shifts play a role, as they always have in large education systems. But the data suggest genuine stagnation or regression even within subgroups, particularly at the lower and middle tiers. Aggregate spending has risen while foundational skills erode. This is no statistical mirage.

Focus on the bottom 30%. One under-examined but powerful diagnostic is the performance of the bottom 30% of students by achievement — not the very lowest 20%, but the broader band that includes many capable young people held back by circumstance, disengagement, or inadequate support. Reliable cross-national data here can be elusive, yet available evidence points to this group as a tremendous vector for improvement. When the bottom absorbs disproportionate resources without commensurate gains — through endless remediation, administrative bloat, or misallocated interventions — the entire system suffers. Education is a battle of finite resources and attention. Lifting the bottom 30% does not mean neglecting excellence; it means addressing root causes so that potential is unlocked rather than squandered.

Many in this band are not inherently low-ability but face barriers that responsive teaching could overcome. Meet their needs effectively, and spillover effects emerge: stronger classroom norms, peer learning through proximity to higher-achieving students, and a culture where effort is normalized. The capable rise, and those around them are lifted by aspiration and example.

We have forgotten a basic truth: students must work to achieve. No amount of rebranding failure as “different success” erases that reality. Young people know when adults lower the bar — when grades inflate, standards soften, and discomfort is pathologized. The result is not empowerment but demotivation and cynicism. Pretending there is no hierarchy of competence disheartens those who could strive and cheats everyone of honest feedback.

This tension between youthful energy and adult authority was captured brilliantly in the popular 1930s Australian radio comedy "Yes, What?" Set in the chaotic Fourth Form at fictional St. Percy’s school, the series lampooned student hijinks, excuses, and classroom antics. The title derives from the long-suffering headmaster Dr. Percy Pym’s exasperated response to the bumbling student Greenbottle’s vague “Yes” — “Yes, what?” The show thrived on the absurdity of distracted pupils and flustered teachers, drawing from vaudeville traditions familiar to Melbourne audiences.

The hijinks were not the education, but they served a purpose: they challenged authority to be responsive, clear, and effective. In our era of falling standards, we need that same spirit — not chaos for its own sake, but a willingness to confront complacency, demand effort, and restore rigor. Authority without responsiveness breeds resentment; responsiveness without authority breeds disorder.

Western education stands at a crossroads. We cannot spend our way out of this without reforming how resources are used — prioritizing core instruction, high expectations, and support that targets real barriers rather than bureaucratic expansion. The bottom 30% holds keys to broader renewal. Ignoring the need for work, hierarchy, and honest accountability only deepens the hollowing out. It is time to move beyond comforting illusions and recommit to what education has always been: hard, rewarding, and essential for civilizational strength. Our children — and our future — deserve nothing less.

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Corruption in American Politics
An Enduring Stain That Demands Accountability

Corruption in American Politics: An Enduring Stain That Demands Accountability

Corruption, whether hidden in shadows or brazenly displayed, is never acceptable in a republic founded on the rule of law and consent of the governed. It erodes trust, distorts outcomes, and rewards the cunning over the principled. History offers stark reminders that when institutions fail to confront it rigorously, the consequences compound across decades.

The 1948 Texas Senate Primary and Lyndon Johnson's Path

Consider the 1948 Democratic Senate primary runoff in Texas, often called the "Box 13" scandal. In Jim Wells County, six days after polls closed, officials "discovered" 202 additional ballots in Precinct 13—200 for Lyndon B. Johnson and just two for his opponent, Coke Stevenson. This flipped the result, giving Johnson an 87-vote victory out of nearly a million cast. Investigations revealed irregularities: many of the late "voters" were deceased or denied casting ballots, names listed in alphabetical order in different handwriting and ink. A private probe later implicated Johnson in conspiring with political boss George Parr to falsify totals.

Stevenson challenged the outcome in court, but the U.S. Supreme Court effectively declined deep intervention, citing the Democratic Party's status as a private organization for nominating purposes—leaving certification to state processes. Johnson, dubbed "Landslide Lyndon," advanced to the Senate and eventually the presidency following John F. Kennedy's 1963 assassination. These events illustrate how narrow, disputed maneuvers at the local level can reshape national power.

The JFK assassination itself remains deeply contested. While official inquiries like the Warren Commission concluded Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone, persistent material, witness accounts, and forensic debates have fueled credible questions about additional involvement or a cover-up. The swift killing of Oswald by Jack Ruby before a full public accounting only intensified suspicions of a larger cabal. Dismissing all skepticism as baseless "conspiracy theory" overlooks legitimate evidentiary gaps that serious researchers continue to examine.

Modern Echoes: Election Integrity Concerns

Fast-forward to contemporary examples, such as the recent Los Angeles mayoral primary. Reports of delayed mail-in and provisional ballots, ballot harvesting allegations (including claims involving payments in low-income areas), and statistical anomalies in vote updates have raised familiar red flags. Critics point to California's no-excuse mail voting, absence of strict voter ID requirements, and extended counting periods as enabling manipulation—where outcomes can shift days or weeks after initial tallies until preferred candidates prevail. While some claims (like specific zero-vote updates) were debunked as data processing artifacts, broader probes into irregularities persist, underscoring systemic vulnerabilities rather than isolated errors.

These are not relics of the past. Practices like unsecured mail ballots, same-day or extended registration, and resistance to basic safeguards invite exploitation. The pattern—late "discoveries" tipping scales—echoes 1948, yet institutions and media often declare "nothing to see here."

Institutional Capture: The SPLC Example

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), founded in the 1970s to combat genuine injustice against Black Americans and others, amassed billions in endowments while expanding its mission. Recent federal charges allege it engaged in wire fraud, false statements, and money laundering by secretly funneling millions to informants within extremist groups (including KKK factions and neo-Nazis) while soliciting donations to "fight" them. This raises profound questions about self-perpetuating grievance industries: inflating threats to sustain funding and influence.

Lawsuits and critics have long accused the SPLC of ideological overreach, labeling mainstream conservative organizations as "hate groups" to delegitimize opponents. Wikipedia and aligned outlets often downplay these issues, but the DOJ indictment highlights how even "anti-hate" entities can devolve into opaque power centers detached from their original purpose.

Recent Political Weaponization

The two impeachments of Donald Trump exemplified partisan machinery. The Russia collusion narrative, pushed aggressively by Democratic operatives and amplified by media, relied on the Steele dossier—later discredited as opposition research riddled with unverified claims. The Hunter Biden laptop, containing evidence of influence-peddling, was authentic, yet 51 former intelligence officials publicly suggested it bore "all the classic earmarks of Russian disinformation" weeks before the 2020 election. This letter, coordinated in ways later scrutinized, suppressed legitimate reporting on platforms like Twitter and Facebook.

FBI actions under prior leadership, including Crossfire Hurricane, drew justified criticism for procedural abuses and resource misallocation. High-profile violence, from assassination attempts on Trump to the killing of Charlie Kirk, has been linked by some to inflammatory rhetoric that dehumanizes political opponents. Dog-whistle politics can summon real dogs.

A Path Forward: The SAVE Act

Much of this could be mitigated through basic reforms. The Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act requires documentary proof of U.S. citizenship for federal voter registration and strengthens identification standards. It targets non-citizen voting risks and promotes uniform integrity without disenfranchising eligible citizens. Opponents claim it burdens voters, but secure elections are foundational—photo ID, citizenship verification, and timely counting are commonsense in most democracies. Passing and enforcing it would restore confidence far more than platitudes about "our democracy."

Conclusion

Corruption thrives in opacity, institutional capture, and selective enforcement. From Box 13 to modern ballot disputes, from SPLC's alleged schemes to intelligence community letterhead operations, the thread is the same: elites bending rules for power while decrying skepticism as extremism. Americans across the spectrum must demand transparency, accountability, and reforms like the SAVE Act. Eternal vigilance remains the price of liberty—corruption, visible or veiled, must be confronted, not excused. The alternative is a republic where outcomes are preordained by insiders, not the people's will.

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