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Viva Frei fighting the fight

Prison Call from one of the Coutts Four
I just got off a prison call with one of the Coutts Four. I have never had a prison call before.

The phone rings. It's an 866 "Toll Free" number. When I answer, it says it's a call from and inmate at the Lethbridge Remand Center, would I like to accept. I accept.

It's Chris Carbert. 46. Father of 2. Owned an award-winning landscape company before being detained for going on 18 months now in pre-trial detention. No trial. No conviction. No bail. Charges of "conspiracy to commit murder", among other things. The evidence, as I understand it, consists of two RCMP officer statements. No recording. No text messages.

Chris says he measures time in months. But that he tries not to count the passage of time because it's unproductively upsetting.

Conceptually, there are two categories of theft: Tangible and intangible. Theft of goods can always be replaced. Theft of the intangible - innocence, life, and time, cannot be replaced.

There is no greater theft than the theft of time, and Chris and the other Coutts Four have had nearly two years of his life stolen.

I ask him about the conditions... His daily routine. He says he is in good spirits but that there are days. He works. He gets his exercise. And he prays. The most poignant thing he said to me is that he would not have made it this far without faith. And without the support of those on the outside.

There was a lull in public awareness between the arrests and today... In the early days, the accusations sounded so scary it was enough to sway public opinion into passive acceptance.

That, and the slew of injustices make it almost impossible to keep up. The Coutts Four. Tamara Lich. Chris Barber. Pat King. Jeremy MacKenzie. Shelia Lewis. Artur Pawlowskli. Tim Stephens. I know I've forgotten some. Which is their objective.

And as I'm writing this post, I get a call from Chris Lysak, but our call was cut short because inmates had to go into lockdown or something.

It's a dark time. Not just for Canada - the so-called "True North Strong and Free". It's a dark time for the West. For so-called "democracies". Trudeau and Biden lecture the world on "autocracies" like Russia, China, North Korea - countries where journalists are locked up. Where people are guilty until provedn innocent. Where the accused get kangaroo-court show trials and excessive sentences. Yet here in the "land of the free", indefinite detainment for non-violent mischief charges. Pastors get locked up for holding church services. Some politicians get charged, indicted, convicted - while others break the rules with impunity.

With so much injustice, how do you focus your energies on every or any given one of them? It's a deluge of injustice that fatigues a populace into silence, abandonment, and tacit acceptance.

And it's by design.

A couple of weeks ago, after some public outcry, Sheila Annette Lewis settled her dispute with Alberta Health Service. Sheila was taken off the organ donor list for not getting the jab. A 57-year-old woman sentenced to death by so-called doctors. A death-sentenced that was ratified by our so-called "justice system". People screamed loud enough into the void that the void seemed to have heard.

Dan Hartman - father of 17-year-old Sean Hartman who died 33 days after getting the Pfizer jab - finally got the results of an expert who confirmed the jab was contributive, if not directly responsible for Sean's death. After nearly 2 years of being ignored, demonized, denied basic human dignity. Yet he is still ignored by Canadian media and the parliamentarians who fund them.

And, as I'm writing this, I just got another call - this time from Tony Olienick. We spoke for 40 minutes. Calls are limited to 20 minutes, so after our call was abruptly cut off, and he called me back.

He is in good spirits. He too has found faith. He has been reading. He is clearly not just intelligent, but well-informed. In a way, the spiritual trinity of to not only survive, but thrive. No need to get into the details of what we discussed (though I assume all calls are being surveilled in the hopes that government can find something to hold against these political prisoner), but it was amazingly encouraging to hear that someone can still find optimism and purpose in the darkest of times. Though I guess in the deepest of darknesses, the faintest of lights shines even brighter.

I asked Tony what his go-to verse of the Bible is. He has now read it multiple times, and has even started a Bible group while locked up. He said it was Ephesians 6.

The passage ie below. Read it and, if your are a praying person, maybe say a prayer.

This is an existential crisis we are going through as a society. Violence is not the answer and will never be the answer. It is, in fact, what the forces of evil want. To destroy the good, and in so doing, justify their tyranny to themselves. And it become exceedingly despairing when the violence does not even need to exist in order for the forces of evil to manufacture it.

Raise public awareness. Make peaceful noise. Share their stories. Get people talking. Change comes from the bottom up, and from the top down in a mutually influencing way.

The injustices we have been witnessing on an individual basis are not individual injustices, and they will not remain relegated to the individual. They are social injustices that will one day come for each and every one of us if we do not address them now.

Share the story. Write your MPs. Raise awareness. Make it impossible for anyone to plausibly say "I didn't know".

-Viva

King James Version

1 Children, obey your parents in the Lord: for this is right.

2 Honour thy father and mother; which is the first commandment with promise;

3 That it may be well with thee, and thou mayest live long on the earth.

4 And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath: but bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.

5 Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ;

6 Not with eyeservice, as menpleasers; but as the servants of Christ, doing the will of God from the heart;

7 With good will doing service, as to the Lord, and not to men:

8 Knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond or free.

9 And, ye masters, do the same things unto them, forbearing threatening: knowing that your Master also is in heaven; neither is there respect of persons with him.

10 Finally, my brethren, be strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might.

11 Put on the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil.

12 For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places.

13 Wherefore take unto you the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand.

14 Stand therefore, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breastplate of righteousness;

15 And your feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace;

16 Above all, taking the shield of faith, wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked.

17 And take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God:

18 Praying always with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, and watching thereunto with all perseverance and supplication for all saints;

19 And for me, that utterance may be given unto me, that I may open my mouth boldly, to make known the mystery of the gospel,

20 For which I am an ambassador in bonds: that therein I may speak boldly, as I ought to speak.

21 But that ye also may know my affairs, and how I do, Tychicus, a beloved brother and faithful minister in the Lord, shall make known to you all things:

22 Whom I have sent unto you for the same purpose, that ye might know our affairs, and that he might comfort your hearts.

23 Peace be to the brethren, and love with faith, from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.

24 Grace be with all them that love our Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity. Amen.
https://vivabarneslaw.locals.com/post/4324310/prison-call-from-one-of-the-coutts-four

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The Enduring Lament of "Waly Waly"
From Scottish Court Scandal to Timeless Ballad of Love and Faith

The Enduring Lament of "Waly Waly": From Scottish Court Scandal to Timeless Ballad of Love and Faith

In the rich tapestry of British folk music, few songs carry the layered weight of "Waly Waly" — better known today as "The Water Is Wide." A deceptively simple lament of love's fragility, it emerged from the turbulent politics and personal betrayals of 17th-century Scottish nobility, only to evolve through oral tradition, folk revival, and sacred adaptation into a universal meditation on impermanence. Its melody, haunting and adaptable, has bridged secular heartbreak and divine contemplation, finding poignant expression even in the final recordings of the gifted Eva Cassidy as illness claimed her voice.

The song's political origins are rooted in the unhappy marriage of James Douglas, 2nd Marquess of Douglas, to Lady Barbara Erskine in 1670. This union, forged amid the complex alliances of Restoration-era Scotland, unraveled amid accusations of adultery — allegations many historians attribute to court intrigue and a spurned suitor. Lady Barbara's subsequent separation and abandonment inspired ballads that captured her lament, blending personal sorrow with the era's aristocratic scandals. Verses echo the real "Jamie Douglas" (Child Ballad 204), where a high-born woman's renown gives way to forsaken isolation. "O Waly, Waly" (an old Scots exclamation of woe) first crystallized in collections like Allan Ramsay's Tea-Table Miscellany (1724–1727), drawing from earlier broadsides and floating verses that mixed political gossip, courtly despair, and folk commonplaces.

This was no mere domestic tragedy; it highlighted the precarious power dynamics of Scottish courts, where marriages sealed political pacts, reputations were weapons, and women of rank could be undone by rumor as readily as by royal decree. In an age of shifting loyalties post-Covenanters and amid the lead-up to Union with England, such ballads subtly critiqued the moral rot behind noble facades. The song's imagery — a wide, uncrossable water symbolizing insurmountable barriers, a once-sturdy oak bent and broken by betrayal — mirrored the fractured alliances and personal ruins of the time.

From these contentious beginnings, "Waly Waly" transitioned into new modes with remarkable fluidity, a hallmark of folk evolution. Collected and refined by Cecil Sharp in Folk Songs from Somerset (1906), it shed some of its rawer political edges to become the streamlined "The Water Is Wide," popularized in the American folk revival by Pete Seeger and others. Its melody proved endlessly versatile: Benjamin Britten arranged it for voice and piano, John Rutter incorporated it into orchestral works, and it crossed into pop, film soundtracks, and even fusions with other traditions. Floating verses allowed singers to adapt it to contemporary woes, transforming a Scottish court lament into a universal anthem of love's joys and inevitable fading "like morning dew."

One of its most profound transitions came in sacred music. The tune served as a vehicle for Isaac Watts' hymn "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross" (1707), one of the finest expressions of Christian contemplation on Christ's sacrifice. Here, the ballad's themes of transient earthly love were elevated to eternal spiritual reality: human affection's impermanence contrasts with divine constancy. What began as a lament for betrayed nobility became a vehicle for Protestant devotion, underscoring how folk melodies often carried theology across divides of class and creed.

No modern rendition captures the song's emotional depth quite like those of Eva Cassidy. Her crystalline voice brought aching vulnerability to "The Water Is Wide," emphasizing its quiet longing. Even more moving is her studio take on the variant "Waly Waly," recorded near the end of her life as cancer progressed. It was, by accounts from her collaborators, among the last things she could fully perform before illness silenced her. Stripped of artifice, her interpretation distills the song's essence: love's jewel when new, its cold fading, the desperate plea for a boat to cross impossible divides. In her frail yet transcendent delivery, the political origins and sacred adaptations recede, leaving raw humanity — a dying artist singing of mortality's waters with the grace of one who has surveyed her own cross.

Today, "Waly Waly" endures as a reminder that the personal is often political, that cultural artifacts mutate across contexts, and that simple melodies can carry profound truths. In an era of fleeting digital affections and renewed court-like intrigues in media and power, its wisdom resonates: love, like the song itself, persists not through permanence but through reinterpretation and honest lament. Whether as folk protest, hymn, or farewell, it invites us to row together while we can.

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Is Racism Porn?
Will the Anti-Racism Movement Cave Like the Anti-Porn One Did?

Is Racism Porn? Will the Anti-Racism Movement Cave Like the Anti-Porn One Did?

In the 1980s, a potent alliance of radical feminists and social conservatives launched a serious campaign against pornography. Led by figures like Andrea Dworkin and Catharine MacKinnon, they framed much of it as violence against women — graphic subordination that normalized harm. They pushed civil rights ordinances and influenced the Meese Commission under President Reagan. Yet the movement fractured. Sex-positive feminists rebelled against what they saw as censorship and puritanism. Courts struck down key measures on First Amendment grounds. Violent and extreme porn was temporarily sidelined in mainstream discourse, but the deeper politicized strain of feminism splintered. Today, pornography is ubiquitous, with studies (such as one attempted at a Canadian university that couldn't even find a control group of young men who hadn't viewed it) underscoring its normalization.

The anti-racism movement of recent decades invites a parallel. Both issues started outside the core wheelhouse of center-right conservatives, who traditionally emphasized individual responsibility, rule of law, and color-blind opportunity rather than identity-based crusades. Yet both became vehicles for broader cultural and political power plays.

Historical Perspective on Racism

Academic conservative thought has long pointed to the 19th century as a pivotal era when racism, particularly chattel slavery, faced decisive moral and political challenge in the English-speaking world. British evangelicals — William Wilberforce, the Clapham Sect, and allied Quakers and Methodists — drove the abolition of the slave trade (1807) and slavery itself in the Empire (1833). Their campaign rested on Christian universalism: all men created in God's image, endowed with inherent dignity and rights to freedom, not engineered equal outcomes. This was a rights-based, opportunity-focused vision distinct from later 20th-century interpretations emphasizing group equity or systemic determinism.

Slavery and racial prejudice did not vanish overnight, of course. But the moral framework shifted dramatically through persistent, principle-driven activism grounded in transcendent ethics rather than perpetual grievance.

Modern Enlargement and Exploitation

Critics argue that racism as a dominant political narrative enlarged under President Obama. A notable moment came after the 2012 Trayvon Martin case, when Obama remarked that the deceased "could have been my son," injecting personal identity into a contested incident involving a neighborhood watch confrontation. This style of framing amplified racial polarization.

The 2020 death of George Floyd became a headline catalyst for the movement. While Derek Chauvin was convicted, the initial narrative of murder by knee compression alone has been disproved. The Hennepin County medical examiner cited cardiopulmonary arrest complicating restraint, with heart disease, fentanyl, and methamphetamine as significant contributing factors. An independent autopsy differed, but the full context complicated the "police lynching" storyline. Floyd's death was tragic; the broader "defund the police" and systemic racism narrative built around it has frayed as facts emerged.

Recent revelations about the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) — long a flagship of the anti-racism industry — add to the sense of crumbling. In 2026, federal charges alleged the organization funneled millions in donor funds to informants tied to extremist groups it publicly opposed, raising serious questions of fraud and manufacturing the very threats it fundraised against.

Deeper historical questions resurface: Did authorities facilitate or cover elements of past events like the Oklahoma City bombing? Official accounts point to Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, but persistent theories of additional involvement or negligence remain debated and unproven in court. Such inquiries test institutional trust.

The Parallel and the Warning

Racism is wrong. It violates the principle that individuals should be judged by character and conduct, not skin color. Violent pornography harms, especially when accessible to children, and erodes healthy formation of relationships and sexuality. Both deserve principled opposition rooted in truth and human dignity.

Yet the pattern repeats: moral concerns get hijacked for political dominance. The anti-porn effort split feminism and lost momentum as technology and cultural shifts overwhelmed it. The anti-racism juggernaut, fueled by selective narratives, academic capture, and institutional incentives, now faces headwinds — evidentiary cracks, donor skepticism, and a Trump-era political realignment that prioritizes results over rhetoric.

Will it "cave" similarly? Movements that rely on exaggeration, selective enforcement, and identity as currency often do when reality intrudes. The 19th-century abolitionists succeeded by appealing to universal truths and persistent reform, not perpetual victimhood. Today's exploiters of these issues — whether inflating racism for power or earlier anti-porn zealots — risk the same irrelevance when their narratives no longer hold.

The wiser path lies not in denial of real problems, but in rejecting their weaponization. Protect children from porn. Oppose actual racism with color-blind justice. Demand evidence over emotion. Center conservatives, with their emphasis on individual liberty and equal opportunity under law, may yet provide the steadier framework — as their intellectual forebears did against slavery. The question is whether the broader culture will let principle prevail over power.

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The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter
A Timeless Comic Creation

The Enduring Appeal of Billy Bunter: A Timeless Comic Creation

In the golden age of British boys' fiction, few characters have captured the imagination quite like William George Bunter — the "Fat Owl of the Remove" — whose girth, greed, and endless optimism have delighted generations since his debut in 1908. Created by the extraordinarily prolific Charles Hamilton under the pen name Frank Richards, Bunter emerged not as a heroic ideal but as a gloriously flawed anti-hero whose misadventures at the fictional Greyfriars School provided both escapism and gentle satire for a rapidly changing Britain.

Hamilton (1876–1961), born into modest circumstances in Ealing, Middlesex, was one of the most productive writers in literary history, churning out millions of words across dozens of pen names and school story series (including St. Jim's under Martin Clifford and Rookwood under Owen Conquest). Bunter began life in an unpublished tale from the late 1890s, inspired by a mix of real people: a corpulent editor, a short-sighted relative who peered "like an Owl," and a brother perpetually chasing phantom cheques. Introduced as a minor figure in the first issue of The Magnet story paper ("The Making of Harry Wharton"), Bunter's comic potential — his pomposity, ventriloquism, and bottomless appetite — quickly elevated him to star status alongside the more upright "Famous Five" led by Harry Wharton.

The Magnet, launched by the Amalgamated Press, became the vehicle for Hamilton's vivid, formulaic yet endlessly inventive tales of school life: "rags," cricket matches, barring-outs, and holiday escapades, all set against the timeless backdrop of a traditional English public boarding school. The stories froze the boys at around 14–15 years old, creating an eternal Edwardian summer of camaraderie and mischief that outlasted the paper itself, which folded in 1940 amid wartime shortages. Post-war, Hamilton revived Bunter in a successful series of hardback novels starting with Billy Bunter of Greyfriars School (1947), extending the character's life well into the 1960s.

Bunter's popularity exploded among a broad audience of British (and Commonwealth) boys — and not a few adults — in the early-to-mid 20th century. For working- and middle-class readers devouring penny weeklies, Greyfriars offered a window into a world of privilege tempered by universal schoolboy trials: bullying, friendship, authority, and the eternal quest for tuck (food). Orwell, in a famous 1940 essay, hailed Bunter as "a real creation," whose tight trousers, thudding canes, and mythical postal order resonated "wherever the Union Jack waves." The character's appeal lay in his transparency and resilience; despite being lazy, deceitful, and gluttonous, he remained oddly lovable, often stumbling into courage or loyalty.

As media transitioned, so did Bunter. From story papers to hardbacks, he moved into comics, stage plays, radio, and especially the long-running BBC television series (1952–1961), where Gerald Campion's wheezing, bespectacled portrayal cemented the Fat Owl's image for a new generation of postwar children. This cross-media evolution prefigured modern franchises, turning a literary character into a cultural icon complete with merchandise and nostalgia.

Bunter's influences run deep in both directions. He drew from the Victorian school story tradition — most notably Thomas Hughes' Tom Brown's Schooldays (1857) — but subverted its earnest moralizing with humor and anti-heroics. Hamilton stood the public school ethos on its head, using Bunter's excesses to satirize snobbery, pomposity, and the gap between aristocratic pretensions and reality. In turn, Bunter influenced countless later depictions of school life, from Enid Blyton's Malory Towers and St. Clare's to broader comedic archetypes in British literature and television. His DNA appears in everything from the gluttonous comic relief in children's stories to critiques of class and authority. Even J.K. Rowling's Hogwarts, with its boarding school adventures and house rivalries, echoes the Greyfriars formula, though updated for fantasy.

In an era of rapid social change, Bunter offered stability and laughter. Hamilton's creation endured world wars, the decline of empire, and shifting tastes because it tapped into something universal: the comedy of human frailty wrapped in the innocence of youth. Today, amid calls for "politically correct" revisions or outright dismissal of old public school tales, Bunter reminds us why these stories mattered — not as endorsements of elitism, but as joyful, character-driven escapism that celebrated friendship, resilience, and the absurdity of growing up.

As long as boys (and former boys) dream of postal orders, endless tuck, and "Yaroooh!" moments of comic justice, the Fat Owl will waddle on. Bunter isn't just a relic; he's a testament to the power of a well-drawn character to outlive his creator and his medium.

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